- Introduction
POLS246
Third-World Politics
- with Jeffrey Steeves
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- Notes for 2009-2010
- currently missing
- Nov. 5, Jun Zhao on co-ops
- Nov. 10, resistance movements
- Nov. 26, Uganda
- Jan. 5 and 7
- Jan. 19 and 21
- March 4, 9, 11, 16
- (hooray for papers! Only not really.)
- Sorry about the missing days; just realized how many there were!
- If you have notes from any of these days that you'd like to add, that'd be awesome! Email me at sean.boots@gmail.com - thanks!
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- Office - ARTS 279
- 11:30-12:40 on Tuesdays and Thursdays
- steeves.jeffrey@gmail.com
- 966-5234
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- Textbook - "The Other World" by Joseph Weatherbee, 8th edition
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- Course evaluations
- Major research essay due second term, likely 1st week of march
- 12-15 pages long, typed & doublespaced with endnotes
- worth 35% of final mark
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- midterm test about halfway through the course, 2nd week in January
- worth 15%
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- final exam worth 50%
- majority of final will be on material covered since the midterm
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- Course content
- 1. introduction
- a. three core challenges facing developing nations
- b. academic interpretation of developing country politics versus real-world developing country politics
- 2. Development strategies adopted over time to try to promote the evolution of D.C. economies
- starting in 1950s until the present time (2010)
- identifying different strategies that emerged (academic)
- how political leaders reacted
- reaction of donor countries
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- "development as business"
- huge business in both developing countries and donor countries
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- 3. Traditional societies (understanding different cultures and cultural settings)
- some in Africa some in Melanisia
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- 4. Colonial society
- attemps to transform culture
- to what extent culture overtook colonial aims
- to what extent colonial society has had on politics and the nature of politics in the post-independent era
- George Balandier
- Frantz Fanon
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- 5. The rise of the nationalist movements
- the challenge of colonial rule
- how does it begin, where
- how does it develop over time
- what is the reaction of colonial officials
- negotiated independence versus militant independence
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- 6. Independence and the post-independence period
- 10 challenges faced at independence
- how a political crisis in developing countries today can be the results of these challenges back at independence
- the evolution of political structures in DC
- a. the turn to repression or authoritarianism (after the "euphoria" of independence wears off)
- the coup d'etat
- Edward Luttwak - "Coup d'etat"
- challenges to human rights
- b. political liberalization (since the fall of the USSR)
- pressure from both within and outside for reform & democracy
- 1986 people power movement in the Phillipines
- how far does this pro-democracy movement go?
- c. the poverty alleviation movement
- pro-poor policies
- support from celebrities, organizations, etc.
- who designs this pro-poor movement?
- political implications; what is the impact
- the United Nations and the MDGs
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- Tuesday, September 08, 2009
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- read ch1 pages 1 to 17, ch 3 pages 49-78
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Introduction
- 3 core challenges:
1. nation-building
- creating a sense of national unity
- a common shared feeling of citizenship in the nation and sense of identification with it
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- the challenge: many developing countries represent a heterogenous mix of ethnicities, religions, etc.
- countries that are multicultural and multi-ethnic in nature
- many of these countries had their boundaries defined by the accident of colonial and imperial challenge
- drawn up on maps in Europe (the congress of Berlin in the 1880s)
- boundaries to not represent a sense of commonness
- often, these boundaries often cut across ethnic groups
- eg Anuak peoples in Africa - 60% in Sudan, the rest in Ethiopia
- during the colonial period, immigrant communities were suddenly and dramatically introduced to the countries
- primarily for economic reasons
- eg Fiji - during the early 1900s, the British encouraged labourers from India to migrate to Fiji; by 1967, these indo-Fijians (having arrived as indentured labourers) outnumbered ethnic Fijians
- a cause of recurring conflict; extremist MPs will call for indo-Fijians to be sent back to India "where they belong"
- eg overseas Chinese people in a number of south-east asian countries, eg Malay
- eg Lebenese people in many parts of Africa
- these immigrant communities complicate attempts at national unity
- on top of divisions within indigenous people
- oftentimes the colonial power insisited that the indigenous people learned the language of the colonial rulers
- this language and the distinction between those who could and couldn't speak it also causes division
- the communication of culture and of knowledge is effected
- as well, some ethnic groups would have better access to education and success within the colonial administration than other groups; certain communities or groups may continue to dominate in politics etc. because of this
- ethnic preference on the part of the colonial rulers
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- since then, ethnicization has become a movement - increased sense of belonging to one's ethnic group
- but with that national division, since each ethnic group may feel that the interests of a nation may not align with their group interests
- the rise of seccession movements, where ethnic groups may seek autonomy or their own nation
- eg Eritrea secceeding from Ethiopia
- Aceh attempting to separate from Indonesia
- ethnic seccession movements in the Congo
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- promoting this national unity is a major challenge
- often, referring to states rather than nations
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- one of the factors that promote this sense of national unity is international sport competitions, regional or international games
- (aside: attempts to poach talented athletes to other countries!)
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- when you meet a Ugandan in Kuampur, they will ask where you're from (Canada), in response they'll self identify as their ethnic community (eg Acholi), not Uganda as a country
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2. Development
- some trace the idea of development back to Marx and Engels, some trace it to Adam Smith
- major start in 1949, Truman's speech
- with the technological and industrial progress that had reached the west, it was important to share that with the rest of the world
- a program of development to bring underdeveloped countries into the world economy and into the international system as full players
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- this speech coined the term "development"
- inspired by the Marshall plan from 1947
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- idea was certainly intended to improve American economic opportunities and to provide a strategic advantage in the cold war
- and antidote to communist advance - the battle for the world's hearts and minds
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- we've seen now 5 decades (6 now) of development
- national elites in all countries espouse the goal of development
- aid agencies worldwide, international and local work on this goal
- the goal of the UN beginning in the 1960s (the first "development decade") was to push industrialized countries to donate 1% of their GNP to overseas development
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- tremendous differentials in terms of population size between DCs
- eg, India (1 000 000 000) vs Gabon (600 000)
- almost impossible for Gabon to develop an industrial base; india has no problem developing a strong domestic economy
- within developing countries, considerable differences as well
- parts of Senegal that are rich with development opportuniies, other parts not so much
- owing sometimes to geography, to colonial efforts, etc.
- also, chances of development may be so weak that people vote with their feet
- there are more Haitians living overseas than there are living in Haiti
- countries are denuded of their people resources because of a lack of opportunities or political issues
- much more difficult for countries with few naturual resources to succeed
- countries without oil, natural gas or hydro resources - hard to develop the infrastructure required for industrial economies
- DC economies find it very difficult to compete with global competition
- eg textile industry in Tanzania have collapsed since imported textiles are so much cheaper
- high rates of variability between DCs
- eg Papua New Guinea, recently discovered massive oil and gas deposits, could transform the country into a middle income nation
- resources aren't everything
- eg Nigeria has massive oil wealth, but between multinational corporations and political instability, this has not yielded much benefit
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3. State building
- it's so easy to make the assumption that a gov't structure in a DC operates in the same way as a gov't structure in a developed countries
- many DC gov'ts find it very difficult to provide even basic services to their citizens
- Julius Nyerere - some countries have reached the moon, we are just trying to reach the village
- a very real challenge - gov't faces extreme difficulty providing basic infrastructure - power, roads, telecommunications - to their people required for growth and development
- eg when you fly into Nairobi Kenya, you land at a modern int'l airport, a huge modern gleaming city in the core, but as soon as you're 20km outside the capital, everything collapses
- dangerous roads, unreliable electricity, an archaic telephone system
- social services - schooling, healthcare- are nonexistant and people have to travel considerably to find water or firewood
- gov't is hugely overburdened trying to provide basic services
- western academics were very weak on this one
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- (aside: why Steeves wanted to become an economist; you walk into a class and draw a supply-demand curve; it's "really pathetic")
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- we assume that gov'ts can generate revenue
- but in many DCs, the formal economy is so small that taxation revenue is exteremly weak
- most DCs generate most of their income not by taxes, but by import duties
- this can only
- have to rely on foreign assistance
- even just to pay the salaries of their gov't employees
- eg. Tanzania - 60% of budget is foreign-financed
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- gov'ts do not have the revenue to provide basic services to their citizens; they don't have the money to pay their most talented citizens enough to keep them in the country
- a huge brain drain to richer countries, because gov'ts cannot afford to pay their citizens or provide adequate living conditions
- eg. Ugandan police, paid close to nothing; very poor housing, not much holiday allowance; often forced to engage in petty corruption simply to provide for their families
- taking payoffs from theives, putting up barricades on highways to take bribes
- (aside, police in Kenya asking for "something little"
- kitu kidogo - something little
- kitu kubuia - something big! your watch or shoes,a nice belt
- kitu kila - everything)
- public officials are poorly paid; this is a major issue in state building
- governments do not inspire the confidence of the people
- govt is not seen as an institution serving the people
- more like a predatorial institution taking away from the people
- state avoidance - people try to avoid the gov't, afraid of authority
- see authority as a force trying to take something from me, not trying to serve me
- how do you build state authority when gov'ts are so underfunded that public officials turn to corruption to supplement their wages
- the legitimacy of a state is strongly questioned
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Challenges of Development
- a number of periods of development
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- Period 1: 1950s to 1965/66 - the industrialization phase
- represented an economic strategy of develoment that focused on industrialization
- a. prevailing academics (having a considerable impact on western and developing govn'ts, civil society organizations) - "gurus" of development
- in this era, both economists:
- (Sir) Arthur Lewis - won international acclaim largely because of his lectures at Oxford and publications
- a consultant to the British gov't on its colonial policies and decolonialization movements
- strong academic, and also policy activist
- Walt. W. Rostow - largely academic
- because famous for a book he published - "The Stages of Growth: A Non-Communist Manifesto" - extremely influential
- looked at the development experiences of industrialized countries - how was this undertaken?
- identified different stages in the evolution of economic progress
- 1. primitive agriculture - engaged in subsistence agriculture
- people in this phase would be engaged in local trading, where they would trade their surplus for something useful - a non-money economy
- 2. emergence of a feudal society
- large landholdings being worked by indentured serfs
- more sophisticated trade taking place; coinage is introduced
- towns begin to develop; roads and canals are built (basic infrastructure)
- 3. mercantile economy
- people are engaging in developing beyond local handicraft industries; new goods arriving from overseas
- tied to voyages of discovery
- focus is on small and medium business and production
- 4. industrial phase
- people are migrating into industrial centres
- the rise of a capitalist class, those who own the means of production
- major advances in technology and more complex manufacturing
- 5. post-industrial
- based on scientific advances
- increased the pace of communications, faster transportation of goods and manufacturing
- globalization
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- proposes that most DCs exist in the primitive agriculture stage combined with the mercantile phase
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- Rostow's proposal - we have the technology, the financial capability, the knowhow to move countries from the early phases to the industrial phase
- only requires a sophistication in our thinking
- need to wrap our minds around how we can use science and technology and expertise to drive developing countries forward; make a giant leap forward into industrialization
- we'll know we've succeeded when the country is able to "take off" into self-sustaining growth
- compared to building an airplane - need all the technology and money and expertise to go into the plane - and then it can take off
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- what's going to be required?
- heavy investments in infrastructure
- roads, communications, deepwater ports with cranes and loading machines
- electrification - national electrical grid; cement plants to construct new roads and buildings, pads for industrial sites
- steel mill to provide the steel necessary for the industrialization phase
- investment in social capital
- education to increase the sophistication of human resources
- not just primary and secondary, but technical and trades-based training (to handle this new imported technology)
- health - upgrade the health system since people who are sick cannot work effectivly
- national health system for at least basic health care
- anti-malarial vaccines, hospitals etc.
- technology
- mechanized agriculture
- irrigation projects - not only to irrigate land, but to generate electricity as well
- import all of the materials required to produce finished goods - import substitution
- we know that in the short run, many DCs will not be able to provide the inputs necessary to build more advanced goods, so we'll provide the inputs and the factories and the training of local workers, then the goods will be produced and sent to local, regional and intl markets
- new seeds, new crops
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- as well, there may not be the expertise to manage these efforts - the management skills - so we'll provide western experts or western expertise
- on short-term (2 or 3 year) contracts managing the development efforts
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- and lastly, funding from industrialized countries to provide all these inputs
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- the book was sold very cheaply in paperback, and became exceeding popular
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- Thursday, September 10, 2009
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- back to Period One: the industrialization phase, 1950 - 1964/65
- a. prevailing academic views
- b. political leadership
- c. donor reaction
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Reaction of political leadership
- Kwame Nkrumah - first prime minister of Ghana (known as the Gold Coast under British colonial rule)
- the very first African country to attain independence
- Nkrumah was a very charismatic political force
- was able to construct a very effective political movement under a party called the Convention People's Party
- the British were a touch taken aback by the CPP's performance in national elections leading just up to independence
- the British would have preferred the United Gold Coast Convention, a much more moderate grouping of skilled Ghanaian professionals, skilled entrepreneurs, and espoused a much more moderate platform
- the CPP outdid the UGCC handily during the elections
- Nkrumah had a vision for africa that set him apart
- believed that most of Africa's problems were the result of colonialization
- colonialism had "Balkanized" AFrica, broken it into borders that made very little sense
- a whole sense of mini-countries that were irrational, and economically irrational
- espoused a framework of pan-Africanism
- one of the first leaders to do so
- the perspective that Africa should unite, cast off the arbitrary colonial divisions and reach a continental unity
- colonialism had also been highly discriminatory in nature
- the colonial powers had done very little to invest in Ghanaian education
- only primary educatino could generally be afforded by most Ghanaians
- it cost a lot of money to send one's children to a residential school, the only secondary education available
- as well, these were all religious based, so to get secondary education one had to embrace christianity as well
- Nkrumah was a graduate of one of the foremost of these high schools, Achimota (from which many of Africa's early political leaders originated)
- even though he came from this school of privielige, he blamed colonialism for neglecting Afriac's youth
- colonialism, finally, was exploitative
- an economic tool for British interests
- who were competing against the french
- also a strategic interest
- valuable simply for its exports (cocoa production, phenomenal revenue potential)
- became a very important economic resource with a near-monopoly over cocoa production
- the British set up the CNB, the cocoa marketing board
- under this, farmers were paid a fixed priced for their cocoa, no matter the world price
- this fixed price was only updated every decade or so
- 10% of the difference between world prices and the fixed price was put into a price stabilization fund
- while the other 90% was sent directly to the british treasury
- the treasury was thus subsidized by small farmers in ghana, very substantial amounts of money - 120 million pounds a year
- thus, here was an opportunity to show leadership both in the end of colonial rule and the potential of pan-Africanism
- this country could make a qualitative shift, a quick transition to a powerful and productive national economy
- his economic priorities mirrored the thinking under Lewis and Rostow
- Ghana's been oppressed, but if we adopt the Rostow framework we can become a shining example for west Africa
- Nkrumah embraced this idea, brought over consultants and experts from Europe and the US
- invested heavily into infrastructure
- now that Ghana had control of the CMB, could use that money to invest in harbors, railways, roads reaching across Ghana
- the most significant one, the Volta River project
- on the advice of western economists, Nkrumah began a massive hydroelectric project to generate electricity and to irrigate hundreds of acres of land
- super-highways, linking Accra to the coast
- also opened up Ghana to foreign investment, encouraged Western companies to become actively involved in Ghan
- encouraging these companies to use Ghana as their regional base
- tax breaks to encourage the building of industrial sites, plants
- one of the great successes here was Firestone Tire and Rubber
- set up a huge operation in Ghana, distribution centre
- just one example of reaching out to multinationals
- relatively weak taxes, few limits on the export of profits
- invested in a major steel plant and cement factories
- required for major industry
- beginning to make secondary education much more accessible to everyday Ghanaians
- introduce technical colleges to train Ghanaians in skills required for this new economy about to surface
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- ~1962, Ghana flourishing in this phase of industrialization
- other African countries moving towards independence looked at Ghana with envy
- a lot of American involvement
- moving to industrialization as a counterpoint to colonial rule
Donor reaction
- while this followed
- much of the foreign aid in the 1950s was performed by gov't departments that had really little focus on aid itself
- eg in the US, was part of the state department
- saw aid as a very peripheral part of its work
- busier with the cold war, korea, developments in vietnam
- very focused on american strategic interests, not on development or aid
- as well, mccarthyism's attack on left-wing groups in the US discouraged support for giving large sums of money
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- in Canada,
- seen as something important on the horizon, but not much of a priority at the moment
- part of the dept. of trade
- unless there was a sig. economic interest in the country, not much prioirty on aid
- one significant factor, was that Ghana had just become part of the British Commonwealth of nations (following India and Pakistan)
- so Canada had a linkage to Ghana because of this Commonwealth tie
- Lester Pearson thought this was opportune for Canada to use this commonwealth connection to show that CAnada was concerned about the future of developing countries and African countries
- an even bigger priority after the Suez crisis, in which Pearson proposed peacekeeping at the UN
- Pearson was beginning to look to other worlds, to Africa, as a source of Canadian concern and as a way of asserting a middle-road foreign policy to set us apart from American foreign policy
- in the 1950s, foreign aid was haltingly advancing
- but as part of the CW connection, Canada put money into infrastructure, roadbuilding and ports
- largescale infrastructure projects are like gravy for political leaders, lots of parallels to work in ones own country
- easy to fund, easy to manage, and a high rate of return (in terms of symbolic importance)
- you can put a billboard up (this road funded by the Gov't of Canada and the Gov't of Ghana), fly officials from Ottawa to have their picture taken in front of it
- and look, Canada is helping Ghana lift itself out of poverty!
- the debates are not really focusing on the economic benefits of aid, moreso symbolic
- much of the resources for these projects came from the west, as did the bridging finance
- Barclay's Bank, provided the bridging capital
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- started to falter around 1965 or 66
- according to Rostow's approach, once you have all the input factors, the DC is supposed to take off
- Nkrumah himself, by 1962, was beginning to question this approach to devlopment
- although there was a lot of activity occuring, a lot of foreign investment
- much of the surplus in profits was being taken out of Ghana
- Firestone wasn't really investing in Ghana, just transferring money to its home office
- as well, foreign firms were taking off Ghana's resrouces
- and the big investments in steel mills and cement factories - weren't being used much because there was little demand after the initial push
- Nkrumah realized that this industrialization phase had resulted in more exploitation of the country, by foreign firms
- a sense in which false expectations had been generated surrounding this strategy
- what disturbed him more deeply was that this western based view of development represented a new form of colonialism
- neo-colonialism, coined by Nkrumah
- all the major economic decisions are being made by western economic advisors, and Ghanaian officials are supposed to follow these decisions, but all the decisions being made were not in the interests of Ghana itself
- wrote a book
- in 1964, declared Ghana a republic, took power into his own hands as president, and moved Ghana away from the western industrialization strategy
- and declared that Ghana had to follow its own path of socialism
- huge national corporations were established
- intended to ensure that the economy served Ghanaians first
- as he began to make this shift towards a socialist approach and his harsh critique of western interests, many within his party saw this as either the wrong direction, or as an opportunity for individuals themselves to attain more advancement or power
- an increase in corruption on the part of senior
- seeing public office as an opportnity to accumulate, as something to extend to family and kin
- by 1966, there were rumblings of discontent in Ghana
- those who were disillusioned with the failed strategy, but even more disillusioned with Nkrumah's response
- many trade unions and young people within the party critical of Nkrumah's shift
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- this shift to socialism did not sit well with the british and the US, in the midst of the cold war
- Ghana, meanwhile, become more close to the USSR and especially China
- while Nkrumah was travelling to China, the Ghanaian military launched a coup d'etat
- the turn to socialism deeply disturbed the military establishment
- many of those in the officer corps had been trained in the British military school in Sandhurst
- and admired all things british
- overthrew Nkrumah's gov't while he was out
- wrote another book, Dark Days in Ghana, calling the military traitors
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Period Two, 1964-65 to 1969
- now, the emphasis is on two key dimensions:
- need for planning
- and for an alternative framework, Growth-Point theory
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- things happened too quickly in Ghana; start thinking about small and medium-scale local industry
- we're never going to really develop an effecient managerial economic class, unless we emphasize local participation
- emphasis not on foreign penetration of the economy, but focus on domestic, small and medium size
- prevailing academics
- the two Alberts
- Albert Waterston
- worked very closely with the World Bank (known as th IBRD at the time)
- Int'l Bank for Reconstruction and Development
- an economist with the bank, who was sent out to evaluate bank projects in the field
- primarily in latin america, but subsequently southeast asia
- and starting in 1963, began travelling to Africa
- Nigeria, Tanzania, Kenya, all reaching independence
- WB economists would often be called upon to manage projects while there
- published a huge book, very very popular
- Development Planning: Lessons from Experience
- main thesis: industrialization failed because of poor planning
- the whole investment program under industrialization was haphazard and irrational
- "roads to nowhere" in previous efforts
- incredible, the # of cement plants put down in these countries, no demand for it
- no market or regional market for these
- how do you export cement?!
- within gov't departments, designed projects that seemed important from the department, but had little benefit in terms of actual development
- should coordinate development efforts into national plans
- Albert Hirschman
- also an economist, heavy credentials, very well-regarded
- unlike most economists at the time, had a fascination with DCs
- decided to do field work in latin america, in Brazil
- saw that it had the potential to quickly become a middle-income country
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- H. is less concerned with planing than Waterston
- noted that in Brazil, almost all of the development efforts had gone into a few urban coastal centres
- "islands of modernity in a sea of poverty"
- acted as magnets for people and economics
- anyone who aspires for employment travels to these cities
- mass movement especially of youth to these cities in the expectation of a better life
- resulted in the rise of favelas, shanty towns, millions of people packed into carboard houses, hoping to find some crumb of hope from this modernization process
- but many forced into crime, prostitution, gangs
- Michael Lipton made a similar point, "Urban Bias"
- we've poured our development efforts into the capital city or other major cities
- not only is this ludicrous, but it leads to major social dislocation
- having cities of a million surrounded by shanty towns of 4 million, a breeding ground for social unrest
- H.'s answer: each dev'p country is unique, so look for natural centres of trade and marketing that have developed over time
- identify these, and invest here
- "Growth points" or potential growth points
- put down trade schools, support middle-sized industry here, marketing centres, develop roads into the surrounding areas and make these growth poles
- over time, we'll begin to link these growth poles
- and create a network of vibrant local trade centres and smallscale market centres
- bring dev'p beyond the urban centres, and open up opportunities for employment within these
- so people feel less compelled to travel to the major cities
- we bring the periphery (previously unreached areas) to these centres
- Brazil took this even further by building a new capital city out in the hinterland, Brazilia (actually in the middle of nowhere, not a traditional centre at all)
- also promoted the rise of a regional gov't system in brazil as well, based on these new thriving regions
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- best African example: Kenyatta in Kenya
- a commitment (promoted by the WB) of indepth national plans
- involving each policy sector
- agriculture, tourism, industry, public works, etc.
- planning became the new mantra
- gov'ts would establish their own planning units
- many people in these planning units were people recruited from overseas, westerners with planning experience
- Tom Mboya, became Kenya's first Minister of Economic Dev'p and Planning
- seen as a positive thing, bringing western planning expertise to bear
- Britain was in the lead here, municipal gov'ts in Britain all had planning units
- the other thing: planning requires control
- if you're going to plan, you need a higher degree of control over other sectors of the country
- is accompanied by a centralization of power to the natioal gov't
- now, even local decisions are going to be turned over to the central gov't
- because you don't want local officials making decisions which undermine the plan
- part of the planning effort, promoting wage stability and a stable labour force, and have to keep wages at a competitive level
- can't have huge wage and salary demands, because we have to project wage costs over a period of time, can't afford to have national strikes
- trade unions are quickly brought under the control of umbrella national organizations
- with boards largely staffed by gov't appointees
- general movement away from a parliamentary system inherited at independence, in favour of a presidential system where the prez is above national debate
- making planning decisions at the highest level
- planning thus comes with a certain risk, increased power at the presidential level
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- a number of Kenyan towns marked as growth points
- Karatina, a small town halfway between Nairobi and Nyeri
- upgraded the roads, upgraded waterworks, encouraged smallscale industrial sites, encouraging banking investment
- investing in new economic activities
- is now an excellent marketing centre
- Chavakali,
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- Tuesday, September 15, 2009
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- donor response
- the institutionalization of aid
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- in Canada (1960), the aid dept. was transferred out of the trade and commerce dept. (where it was just a little office) into the dpt. of foreign affairs
- the budget at the time this EAO (economic aid office) was established was $84 million/year with a staff of 23 (still relatively small)
- as this period went on, Canada expanded its aid efforts considerably
- began including francophone countries in our aid program in 1964 (part. french west africa; emphasizing a greater balance between english- and french-speaking countries)
- resulting expansion of our aid bugdet - became $140 million by 1964; staff increase to 76 people
- this emphasis on francophone Africa emerged right at the same time as the "quiet revolution" in Quebec - the gov. of Lesage and the Quebec public's stronger assertiveness
- the end of elitest govt and a dominant church in quebec
- this empashsis on francophone aid was seen by the fed. govt as a way to bring quebec francophones into the public service and govt work
- Trudeau's election in 1968, attempt to bring a vision for a just society nationwide, and with that an engagement with the rest of the world
- in 1968, creation of the Canadian Int'l Development Agency (not by legislation, but because Trudeau wanted to move quickly, was created by cabinet executive order)
- given it's own autonomy, and its own staff structure - with a president equivalent to a deputy minister (?) in govt
- almost immediately, showed expansive growth - budget of $480million, and staff of 780
- first president of CIDA : Maurice Strong
- came from alberta energy sector, highly regarded in business community
- low-key personality, but extraordinarily effective manager
- came in with a mandate to turn CIDA into a strong representative of Canadian foreign policy
- similar processes worldwide -
- USAID in 1963 (Kennedy influence)
- The UK - DFID in 1969
- Sweden - SIDA in 1968
- by 1972/73, a budget of $1billion, staff of 1000
- about half the staff was French
- CIDA was one of the more aggressive recruiters
- many young Quebecers flocked to the public service in Ottawa, esp. to CIDA
- a large number of Canadians working overseas on contract to CIDA - technical instructors, field staff and consultants
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- the first UN Development Decade was the 1960s; came to an end here
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- on the ground, still some difficulties
- elaborate planning processes, massive indepth 5-year plans
- however, a big difference between planning things and executing them
- to Hirshman's chagrin, still a sense of urban bias esp. among foreign corporate investment
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Period Three, 1969 to 1980
- focus on Agriculture / Rural Development
- emerging degree of realism or pessimism among leaders of developing countries
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- despite the pessimism, still an exciting time in the development community
- sense of excitement at the challenge
- ( not like climbing Mount Blackstrap; more like Mt. Everest )
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- prevailing academics
- both presented a much more realistic, less ambitious? approach to development
- Rene Dumont - French agronomist
- after reaching the height of his agronomy career, took a PhD in aboriginal economics and public policy
- travelled widely among french west africa, senegal and the ivory coast, some time in guinea
- a lot of experience
- was very distressed with what he saw
- Senegal, for example, went from the industrialization stage, to the planning stage, involving foreign investment
- Dumont was distressed with the results; wrote a book - False Start in Africa
- this book was translated into English very quickly, also printed as an inexpensive paperback
- suggested that the problems of past devp strategies could be pinned on an over-reliance on what technology could achieve
- you can't take people who are engaged in subsistence agriculture, and suddenly and dramatically come to them, throw a new agricultural technology at them and expect them to adopt it
- this idea of technology as an immediate solution was laughable
- eg donated tractors - Dumont would talk to farmers, and everywhere, people on the ground were working their fields as they had always done
- tractors covered by tarps and left alone
- break down, and no one able to fix it or send for repairs
- not sure how really to use it on small-scale farms
- new seeds and fertilizers too expensive, and not used
- explaning that there needs to be a greater understanding of subsistence farmers and working with them
-
- Gunnar Myrdal - Swedish sociologist and political economist
- his brother Jan Myrdal became very famous as a United Nations diplomat; senior diplomat of the secratary of state
- Gunnar went into academics; did PhD field research in south asia
- after finishing his research, remained in south asia; fell in love with the culture and did postdoc research there
- studied a lot in indonesia, the phillipines, myanmar
- did all this research at the local level as a sociologist
- studied the distribution of power at the local level
- and its effect on people's opportunities for advancement
- and the effects of other cultures in this power structure
- after 10 years of research: publishes Asian Drama: an inquiry into the poverty of nations
- was a huge effort; 3 volumes of writing
- often hard to get such large books published; Myrdal sent his 2100page work to Pantheon publishers, who sent a copy to senior workers at the UNDP
-
- 3 sections:
- 1 ...?
- 2 country cases
- 3 conclusions and recommendations
- and a series of appendices
- found that the statistics that the govt had in national offices didn't represent the facts on the ground
- figures would be highly inflated (eg number of girls in primary schools, in order to suggest greater social equalization)
- as a sociologist, recognized that the culture of the time and area suggested that girls should stay home on the family farm and become skilled and worthy of a big dowry, while boys went to school
- another one - the # of telephones per 1000 population (a common measure of devp at the time)
- often there would be only 1 telephone for 20000 people
- the person who had the telephone was someone with a lot of power, since they controlled the connection with the outside world
- people would come to the telephone owner and pay a fee to use it
- similarly with radio, only one
- more significantly, they would turn to an elder to interpret what they heard on the radio and put it into a community context - something which increased the influence of this elder a lot
- in his appendix, Myrdal slashed at governments and institutions (UN and foreign aid agencies) for using and requesting suched flawed stats
-
- in academics nowadays, often someone publishing a critical piece
- and then the debate becomes "was this in context or not", not about the issues
- but not Myrdal - spends an entire section of the appendix criticizing Rostow devastatingly (1847 to 1859)
-
- Lester B. Pearson
- under the St. Laurent govt in the 1950s, apponted as secretary of state
- urged and convinced the UN security council and general assembly to create a peacekeeping force to respond to the Suez Crisis and stand between the combatants
- 86 peacekeeping missions since then, most of them acheiveing their purpose
- was very successful and became renowned
- became the new leader of the liberal party and became leader of the opposition
- in 1963, became the new prime minister leading a minority govt from 1963 to 1968
- difficult to get much done as a minority leader
- Diefenbaker stayed on as opposition leader and was enormously critical
- after Canada's centennial, Pearson decided to step down (partly to support his wife who had developed a drinking problem)
- almost immediately, the secretary general of the UN called Pearson to lead a commission into the problems of development
- reported near the end of 1969, published in 1970: Partners in Development - also had a wide circulation worldwide
- in this book, argue that the first devp decade had been a failure; moreover, Pearson noted that now, through working with officials from devp countries, there was a major sense of pessimism with the devp process and foreign aid
- foreign aid was working more to the advantage of donor countries, than to developing countries
- strongly critical of "tied aid"
- at the time, the largest proportion of our foreign aid was country-to-country aid (bilateral aid) (80%)
- the other kinds being
- multilateral aid, where the money goes to international institutions, and how it's spent is up to them (10%)
- special programs aid, usually given to NGOs to support their programs (10%)
- (usually, when say Sask. citizens donate to Oxfam, the provincial govt will match that donation, and the federal govt will match both donations)
- and lastly, food aid - emergency aid, but tied very quickly to particular commodities
- usually, this will involve taking surplus canadian food and shipping it overseas
- can also include tents and other emergency supplies
- back to tied aid: at the time, about 80% was bilateral aid
- eg, Canada decides to donate 200mil to Zambia - building tracks, supplying railroad cars, etc.
- but stipulating that 80% of the funds have to be spent on goods and services from Canada
- and 2/3s of this has to be given to Canadian-owned companies
- Trudeau quite concerned that without this requirement, the money would be spent on American-owned subsidiary companies in Canada
- given as a loan with a 10year grace period at very low interest (1.5%)
- really, with tied aid, devp countries are being required to purchase goods at inflated prices from donor countries, and its not even given as an outright grant - its a loan they have to pay back!
- most donor countries engaged in this tied aid, Britain and Sweden somewhat less so
- Pearson was quite disillusioned with this system
- classic quote: "the climate surrounding foreign aid programs is heavy with disillusion and distrust"
- Pearson's argument: devp countries are being subjuged to donor priorities through aid.
- from this point on, a genuine partnership needs to exist, not a situation where one group is dominant
- this is going to take decades and possibly generations before we can see an impact on the ground in terms of development
-
- Political leadership
- Julius Nyerere of Tanzania
- Tanzania - sits in a central place on the east coast of Africa - shares borders with a number of other countries
- reaches independence in 1961; from then until 1966, follows the industrialization strategy, then the planning and growthpoint strategy
- strong reliance on west over this time, esp. on the UK (former colonial power)
- by 1966, has become apparent to Nyerere that whatever devp has taken place, has only affected a precious few tanzanians
- those working for govt
- or in the small financial sector
- or working for foreign corporations
- - only these people are seing the fruits of devp
- and most of them are concentrated within urban centres and the national capital especially, the major port - Dar es Salaam ("city of peace", or "city of heavenly peace")
- over 90% of Tanzanians at the time were living in rural settings, and deriving their sustenance from agriculture
- most of them small-scale producers ("small-holder farmers")
- although there are trade centres throughout rural tanzania, you don't have much for even villages. everyone is on individual farms, and land is allocated by clan
- clan leadership (elders) assign you a piece of land, and the land is yours as long as you need it
- highly dispersed rural population
- Nyerere - "some countries try to reach the moon; we try to reach the village"
- the cost of roadbuilding in Tanzania is enormous
- harsh landscape; central region of country is semiarid desert and basically uninhabitable
- "growth-point" theory doesn't work here, there are no traditional meeting points to build on
- we need to find a made-in-Africa solution to devp
- and we've been paying a very high social cost for devp so far
- paying for a small, enriching elite living in the city and enjoying the benefits of modernization
-
- need to accept 4 givens
- 1 poverty will be a long-run reality for the majority of our people
- T. is a very poor country; don't have wealthy national resources (oil or diamonds or gold)
- 2 we are basically an agricultural country
- by far the majority of our people are engaged in agriculture, for subsistence and for trading, or for a small income to educate one's children
- 3 we have to work for ourselves - and become self-reliant
- not to depend on handouts from others (which often come with strings attached)
- given all these things, our devp from this point forwards must be based on our own efforts
- the west is not going to give us enough money to meet their goals - and besides, those are their goals
- it's up to tanzanians to help tanzania
- 4 we have to have leaders who are genuine leaders
- too many of the small elite become enormously wealthy
- and once they have this wealth, they become self-interested and disconnected
- cut off ties with kin and clansmen - and only seek to enrich themselves
- these aren't leaders, these are people stepping apart from our society
-
- you might expect these strong ideas to come from a big, intimidating person or strong orator
- Nyerere on the other hand was very softspoken and shy, not a large man, and not much of an orator
- but enormously influential
-
- ( aside - Steeves as a lowly U of T grad student, meeting Nyerere at a state function - couldn't even see Nyerere behind his RCMP ushers. But a disarming, great smile. Very charismatic individual. This softspoken nature increased his charisma; a man of ideas. What made him unique among african leaders of the time - didn't wear western suits, wore sandals, khaki shirts and pants. )
- Interesting part - also lived a very simple lifestyle - even as president, lived in a two-bedroom cottage in Dar es Salaam; never asked for a car or driver unless travelling to the country
- never asked for his salary unless economy was doing well
- when staying out in the country, if staying for more than a few days would help in the garden or around the house of his host
-
-
- the pessimism of Pearson matches the realism of Nyerere
- N. becomes a visionary for the next stage
- not to decieve ourselves that tech. can solve our problems
-
-
-
- Thursday, September 17, 2009
-
- period 3 continued
-
- the Donor Response
- see a very significant rise among the devp efforts of Scandanavian countries
- promoting the scandanavian form of socialist democracy
- swedish
- lots of focus on cooperatives, coop organizations
- Canada also becomes one of the leading countries in this area (esp Saskatchewan, with our high number of coop-based workers)
- a clear division between donors seeking strategic interests, and those interested in a new approach
- US, Germany, Italy, France - less comfortable with this new approach
- a lot of German agricultural institutes established
- a recognition on the part of 3-rd world political leaders that development assistance is not always a good thing
- esp. in terms of tied aid - an awakening on the part of African poltical leadership
- African leaders also becoming concerned with declining terms of trade
- very little access for their goods in developed country markets
- the one place where DCs have influence: general assembly of the UN (given one country = one vote)
- May 1974, brought up at the UN
- new international economic order ("NIEO movement")
- passed in may 1974
- demanding fairer prices for DC goods
- by sept. 1974, rise of a whole series of demands for fundamental reform of the global econimc system
- a dominant movement from 1974 to 1979 - exciting time for DCs
- first time that int'l conferences will be held on the trade difficulties of developing countries
- interestingly enough - Canada seizes upon this as a place to play a middle power negociating role
- helping broker agreements between wealthy countries of north and poor countries of south
- sometimes referred to as the "North-South Dialogue"
- wanted new regulations
- a code of conduct for multinational companies working or investing in developing countries
- another focus - technology transfer agreements, such that DCs would not have to pay huge license fees for using western technologies
- also, specific commodity negotiations - world coffee prices
- larger quotas for poor countries
- price managment to avoid the peaks and valleys typical of coffee pricing
- sugar and tea, copra and cocoa - attempts to get worldwide commodity trading agreements
- finally, proposing the end of "tied aid"
-
- why did this movement occur at the time when it did?
- another rising academic view, furthered by a new group of academics who are very critical of the development strategies employed esp. in latin america
- development as a flawed concept; we're on the wrong track
- Dependency theories, and underdevelopment theory
-
- Andre' Gunder Frank and Raul Prebish
- sociologists; both wrote on latin america
- found argentina, peru, and others further along in social development, than countries in africa or southeast asia
- had been independent longer, longer fight against colonialism before that, etc.
- can find, in essence, the future for DCs in Afirca and SE Asia by looking at latin american countries
- sociologically, latin american countries were "more interesting"
- much more established class structure
- old established families dominating the social landscape, very influential
-
- written in the 1960s, two views: dependency theory, and underdevelopment theory
- (essentially the same framework in both)
- didn't become recognized until the 1970s
- very critical of the world economy and the position of DCs in it
- as a result, many thinkers in the US found Frank and Prebish as too left-leaning (esp. those at Ivy league schools; saw Fr. and Pr. as neo-marxist; American thinkers are very twitchy about the left)
- Frank and Prebish propose a simple theory - DCs will always remain underdeveloped as long as the world economy remains the way it is
- the terms of trade are always to the advantage of the developed world
- this can be traced back to the period of colonialization
- colonizliasm was a scramble for resources
- any conception that there was a civilizing mission was just something tacked on
- it was really all motivated by seeking resources and a strategic (imperial) interest
- the only economic interest of the developed world in the undeveloped world, is an extractive interest
- all former colonial powers are interested in, after indepenence, is continuing to maintain a structure of relations in which the interest of the developed economy continues to be dominant
- fascinating step - granting independence is not a tremulous, difficult, losing act for the colonial power
- as long as they can ensure that these DCs remain economically subordinate, "flag independence" or political independence really means little
- economic independence is not on the table
-
- Steeves: bring it up at louis' - you will assert your pre-eminence
-
- from here, we can understand Nkrumah's frustration with development efforts
- what makes this work, is a collaborative elite within the country (esp. Latin America)
- the elite that power is handed over to (very carefully) is collaborative
- plays the role of intermediary between the interests of foreign capital, and the interests of an emerging but very weak local entrepreneurial class
- the state becomes the intermediary between these two, and those who control the state are these collaborative insiders
- most political leaders (Nyerere excepted) will go along with this system
- Prebish and Frank say - until you break this chain of structured relations where foreign capital is dominant and local capital is subservient, development is impossible
- DCs are continuously in this condition of underdevelopment
-
- for DC leaders - the problem really isn't with us, it's with the economic system and the rich countries
-
- we need to keep this dependency framework in the back of our minds
-
- Steeves' grad advisor, Colin Leys, wrote on Kenya from this perspective - "Underdevelopment in Kenya" - became an academic superstar.
- Dependency tehory became a major way of explaining the failure of development efforts and industrialization.
- another writer - John Saul, prof. at York
- Leys went back to England, found them unresponsive to dependency theory
- Leys and Prebish (?) co-edited the "Socialist Register", a publication very critical of the developement and economic system
-
- became very renowned throughout this time, especially at the United Nations
- dependency structures, and how these arose
- the inspiration for the "NIEO"
-
Period Four: The Neo-Classical Counter-Revolution, 1980-present
- (from the 1990s on, period five emerges in parallel; more on that later)
- setting the context: political leadership is very important in defining this period
- a tremendous ideological shift that occured, from the end of the 1970s onwards, in the leadership of developed countries
- originated in Great Britain ( aside: how many in Canada believe that all good things come from the mother country! Hmm. )
- the election of Margaret Thatcher's conservative party - "Thatcherism" or "Thatcherites"
- continued with the election of Helmut Kohl in Germany
- continued further with the election of Ronald Reagan in the US, which gave this movement a lot of momentum
- and in Canada, the election of Mulroney in 1984
- as a result: at least 4 of the G7 countries are going through this right-ward ideological shift in the political spectrum - all at the same time
- a major focus on the power of the free market
- to lift us to new levels of economic progress, new higher standards of living, greater material wealth, and so forth
- very exciting, "triumph of free enterprise" - to the advance of civilization itself
- and free trade - in order to keep the world economy moving forward, important to tear down the barriers to trade
- so: free enterprise, free market and free trade
- and fundamentally, the concept that government intrudes too deeply into personal life
- elaborate govt departments and bureaucracies all designed to restrain us!
- time to reign in the power of govt
- government regulation is suffocating free entreprise
-
- the 3-legged stool of this ideology
- free market system
- free trade
- and reducing the power (and intrusiveness!) of the state
-
- there's an academic community that shares this perspective
-
- Prevailing academics
- Deepak Lal, and Anne Krueger
- put out a development framework affirming what Thatcher, Kohl and Reagan are suggesting
- the problem of devp cannot be traced to dependence, nor to perverse foreign aid
- the problem is rather that most DCs have invested too much money and too many human resources, and given too much influence - to the state
- solution:
- reduce the power of the state
- tear down protectionist barriers to trade
- and we should allow the free enterprise system to flourish
- and then, we will have - in each DC that embraces these reforms - high rates of economic growth, and with this, more people will be brought into the free market system and derive a higher standard of living from it
-
- Lal and Krueger are the academic gurus for this new political leadership
- this academic reinterpretation is coming at a very significant time for developing countries
- many DCs, by 1980, face a very tenous, weak economic situation
- traced to (to simplify) 2 major events in the 1970s
- 1973 and the formation of OPEC (the Oil Producing Exporting Countries, an economic cartel)
- largely countries in the developing world (esp middle east)
- what these 16 countries did, is agreed to form this cartel which would, through joint agreement, limit their supply of oil onto the world market
- in a situation where demand for petroleum products is steady (and increasing) - this supply limit drives prices up
- highly developed western economies require enormous amounts of energy
- what the OPEC countries felt (before 1973) was that they weren't getting a just price for their resources
- in 1973, price of a barrel of oil on world market was $8 USD
- although we can extract oil and bring it to market at ever increasing rates, there's only a finite supply
- we're being underpaid for our resource
- starting in 1973, quotas established for each OPEC country, and very quickly prices increased
- within 6 months, price doubled to $16 USD
- and within 8 months, to $24 USD
- the effect of this was to send major shockwaves through world economic system
- oil importing countries found themselves in very difficult circumstances
- price went up by 300% in 8 months
- rapid inflation - industries had to cut back production
- beginnings of an economic crisis in western countries
- introduction of wage and price controls (eg in Canada) to compensate, and a major drop in foreign capital
- while western canada had major oil resources, it was (before 1983) cheaper to supply central canada industry with cheap foreign oil
-
- but the results were much more catastrophic in non-oil-producing developing countries
- these DCs didn't have the capital to pay these high import costs
- economic collapse in DCs, and declining balance of payments
- in order cover their energy bills, many DCs had to borrow substantially from financial institutions
-
- from 1978-79, OPEC decided that $24 was insufficient - now that prices of every other good had gone up (resulting from the first OPEC price increase)
- decided to increase the price to $32 in a month, and then up to $38
-
- developed countires had made policy adjustments to compensate
- Alberta oil supplying Canada much more
- the US expanding oil efforts in Alaska, and a pipeline going down through Canada, and
- and North Sea oil platforms providing the UK
-
- but DCs without oil resources had no recourse
- this second OPEC jump at the end of the 70s further pushed DCs into extreme debt
- DCs could not survive without huge loans from overseas
-
- so - just at the time when we have a shift to the right in developed countries, developing countries are extremely, extremely vulnerable
- and, anticipating yet more price shocks
- political leaders in DCs are forced to turn to the IFIs - International Financial Institutions
- can't get any more funding from western financial institutions
- have to pay huge debt repayments to these western banks
- many can barely even afford the repayments on interest, not even the loans themselves
- as a result, turn to the IMF and the World Bank
- these two instutions, will, as a result, weild extraordinary influence over DCs
-
-
-
- Tuesday, September 22, 2009
-
- (the neo-classical counter-revolution, con't)
-
- political leaders in DCs must turn to the International Financial Institutions
- the International Monetary Fund
- and the World Bank
- previously titled, the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development
- developed countries contribute sums of money on an annual basis
- depending on the money put in, that determines the share of voting power you recieve in making world bank decisions
- the USA is the largest single contributor in terms of financial support
- and so has the largest share of control over bank decisions
- Canada is also a major contributor
- and so is given a position of significance in the administrative arm of the bank
- a significant executive appointment in the WB, appointed by the prime minister on the suggestion of the foreign affairs dept.
- like the other major western contributors (Germany, Sweden, Belgium, Japan, etc.)
- set up under the Bretton Woods agreement
- leaders and finance ministers of western countries met in New Hampshire (in late 40s?)
- and created the IMF
-
- International Monetary Fund
- a financial institution, a fund created by
- and can give short-term credit to any member countries that have balance-of-payments difficulties
- including debt repayment problems
- if I approach the IMF for debt relief, has to make a case for their relief
- in return for making your case, have to accept certain conditions imposed by the IMF for the short-term relief
- if I accept these conditions and go on an IMF financial regime, then every two years my country will meet with IMF officials - a consultative meeting
- usually held in paris
- a country receiving relief will send its finance minister and other senior advisors
- and will meet with experts from the IMF (economists and financial advisors)
- and go over gov't policies to ensure that the country is continuing to meet the IMF's conditions
- its up to the receiving country officials to make the case for their meeting the conditions
- the IMF advisors may inform the country of more conditions they must apply
- if i'm a developing country that requires debt relief, I need to turn over control of much of my economic decisionmaking to the IMF
- until the country is out of the national economic crisis
-
- and the World Bank - a sister institution to the IMF
- is more the operational side of the game
- specific programs or projects initiated to promote the growth of a country's struggling economy
- could be infrastructure projects (building of new roads, electrical grids, etc.)
- IMF concerned with financial management; the WB is concerned with operational side of economic recovery
- if a DC accepts an IMF package, then the next step is consulting with World Bank officials to figure out an economic growth strategy
-
- here at the 1980s, and previous development efforts have largely failed
- industrialization, not really
- growth-point theory; some successes but not large scale
- agricultural approach - working but very long term
- and meanwhile, the oil crisis and major debt problems for DCs
- state of indebtedness so deep that most DCs could not pay the principle of the debt
- they could only barely - and infrequently - pay the interest on their debt
- hence DCs approaching the IMF for short-term debt relief
- couldn't borrow any more money from regular finantial institutions
- couldn't meet the cost of importing energy into their country
- situation so bad that by 1983 or 84 the public transportation infrastructure collapsed in many countries (couldn't afford the fuel)
- major effects on private companies in DCs as well as gov'ts
- major economic collapse, and no money available to get it going again
-
- approaching the IMF
- the IMF would send experts out to analyse the country's situation and verify govt accounts
- so many countries approaching the IMF and WB for relief, that the two instutions developed a universal recovery program
- a set of reforms that each country would have to undertake in order to get through this crisis, and receive assistance from the IFIs
- titled Structural Adjustment Programs
- introduced starting in 1980, and continued into about 1992-ish
- this process of recovery is necessary at the same time as the neo-classical counter-revolution
- we're goign to change the world economy to promote the free market system, free movement of capital and free entreprise
- what we end up with is a series of reforms imposed on DCs as conditions to IMF funding (and as conditions to access WB progrms) - conditionality
- donor countries (like Canada) jumped in as well - "we'll give bilateral aid to this country if its following SAPs"
- conditionality by both IFIs and western donor countries
-
- what were the Structural Adjustment Programs? (circa 1984)
- neo-conservative idea - we'll need the govt to withdraw
- 1. downsize governments
- too many resources being consumed by large govt public services
- 2. where govts have run state corporations, they must privatize these state-owned enterprises (SOEs)
- eg state-owned telecommunications and energy companies
- 3. deregulation of private industry
- includes reducing environmental impact requirements
- many investors will not invest in certain countries because of all the red tape
- this will open up more foreign investment
- 4. must reduce tariff barriers to global trade
- part of the free trade ideology
- designed to allow the free flow of goods and services between countries
- price distortions from industry-protecting tariffs are throwing off the world market
- 5. devaluation of national currencies
- countries must allow the value of their currencies to be determined on the world market
- eg Papua New Guinea (in melanesia) - a resource-rich developing country; huge copper and iron ore deposits, enormous oil and gas reserves
- in order to protect its own industrial efforts, deliberately set the keena at a $1.40 USD
- what this does is 2 things; allows PNG to protect its resource industry, and to mobilize savings within the country to develop its natural resources
- hence US companies are more likely to invest in other countries where the US dollar is worth more
- and 2nd, the cost to import goods is less
- developing a resource industry requires a lot of imported technical equiment
- so artificially overvaluing your currency is helpful for a resource-exporting country
- however the problem comes when PNG tries to pay off its debt with keena, and the IFIs want US dollars
- so when PNG accepts SAP reforms, the currency drops from $1.40 USD to 82 cents
- the idea is that foreign investment will quickly flow in
-
- timeframe
- many countries, no choice
- Nyerere in Tanzania for example, resisted SAPs until 1985 (was able to convince arab countries to continue
-
-
- at the end of the second year, at review meetings govts are being told that they haven't cut govt services enough
- these are (after paying public servant salaries) the largest single expenditure items, and must be cut dramatically:
- education
- health
- social services
- in some countries, 40% of total govt expenditures goes to education
- everything from primary school to trade schools and national universities
- health often 20%
- and social services often 15%
- and often food subsidies
- aside: Steeves on carrion-eating animals: the marabou stork
- way more impressive than vultures or hyenas
- hyenas being quite useless individually
- marabou storks rest in trees, in the shade - so heavy that it makes trees stoop
- can be taller than humans
- hunt either individually or in groups
- unlike hyenas, who in groups are quite scruffy and individuallistic
- storks work as a cooperative group, very calm and precise
- and -the segway - IMF officials are just like marabou storks
- they know that DC officials are going to come to them every two years, and will need to continue recieving funding
- and they will tell DC leaders they need to cut health, education, social services, and food subsidies
- but marabou storks aren't very good long-term thinkers , neither are IMF officials
- when the cost of subsistence suddenly increases dramatically - eg, with the end of food subsidies - you have a lot of social dislocation
- people can't get the resources they need to survive
- and access to services becomes much more difficult as well
- instead of being able to pay school fees of all my children, can only pay fees of perhaps one
- much more difficult to get healthcare services as well, many people become unable to afford healthcare
- become highly restricted in nature - only elites and emerging elites can afford sufficient
- the poor and middle income peoples are under major stress as a result of these policies
- WB officials "as economists" aren't thinking of the social implications, or human costs of these conditions
- by 1992, realizing that these SAPs are too harsh
- and are undermining development on any scale below the national elite
- the majority of people are being locked out of education, losing access to healthcare
- as an added condition, the WB even prescribed the privatization of essential public utilities - energy and water
- being bought and managed by western corporations
- major examples in latin america of controversial privatizations of (esp.) water supplies
-
- growing public discord against SAP programs
- student protests in east africa
- food riots (esp. in Lusaka, Zambia), month long battle between police and people protesting the removal of subsidies
-
- because of the dislocation, because of loss of public access, and the major costs to the masses
- and end to SAPs and the creation of "ESAPs" - enhanced structural adjustment programs - introduced in 1992
- increased focus once again on education, food and social services
- attempting to dampen the negative social impact of these conditions
-
- reaction of political leadership
- many countries struggling with debt had no choice but to turn to the IMF
- private financial instutitions were no longer going to lend money to indebted developing countries
- political leaders were caught in an "economic policy straightjacket"
-
- Nyerere in Tanzania held out on SAPs, but the economy was still dropping uncontrollably, so he resigned as president in 1985 and his successor immediately approached the IFIs
-
- in Uganda, Youveri Museveni in 1986 - quite wise
- instead of turning to the IMF and WB, he introduced the same package of reforms they would have requested, but applied them more gradually
-
- you can avoid the economic straightjacket, but only for so long
- many DC leaders found they had to turn over most control over economic decisionmaking to the IMF and world bank
-
-
- even with the 1992 introduction of ESAPs
-
Period Five: Poverty Alleviation (1999 - present and beyond)
- and in 1999, a change within developing countries - people speaking out
- civil socieity groups - women's groups, professional associations, etc.
- pressuring their (developing country) govts to adopt a new economic policy
- poverty was deepening over the 1980s and early 90s
- large swaths of population being marginalized
- the number of wage-earning positions, for example in Uganda, dropped between 1960 and 1990
- average wage had not increased since independence
- emerged where developing countries have their most influence
- at the United Nations, where DCs have a strong voice
- poverty reduction became a major focus
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- prevailing academics
- Jeffrey Sachs - an economist who had worked with the WB
- a "social economist"
- wrote an enormously influential book - "The End of Poverty" (how fresh!)
- can be found in every aid office worldwide
- something of a modern hero, very popular with celebrities
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- "masters of illusion - world bank and poverty"
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- Thursday, September 24, 2009
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- ( in readings: just chapter 1 and 3 -- don't stress out! )
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- (period 5 continued)
- running in combination with period 4 - freemarket push, simultaneous with a separate poverty alleviation movement
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- academics...
- Sachs - "The End of Poverty"
- very optimistic
- and it's possible to overcome poverty in devp countries within the existing world market structure
- thus his arguments are very attractive to policy makers, both in western countries and DCs - "policy attractiveness"
- the framework he was developing was eventually published as "The End of Poverty"
- published by Penguin Press - which meant worldwide distribution
- 2005 hardcover edition, and 2007 paperback
- will be found in any aid office anywhere
- has become inordinately influential
- the introduction to his book is written by Bono!
- now working at the Earth Institute at Columbia
- you can email him anytime
- received not only wide attention, but has also become the basis for many other people to assert that we should focus on poverty as an issue, within the development framework
- has released another book, "Common Wealth" (late 2008), carrying his argument even further
- with more policy implications
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- another academic - William Easterly
- has done a lot of consulting work in DCs for NGOs and govts
- economist and aid consultant
- his work with NGOs is at the grassroots in DCs
- not just trying to understand poverty in Africa, but also SE Asia and Latin America
- called, "The White Man's Burden", a devastating critique of the failure of aid and aid institutions, to affect any meaningful change in DCs
- everyone with an interest in devp has read easterly
- but for a lot of aid directors, easterly is kind of a pariah; you won't find his books on their shelves like Sachs'
- since he's criticized their work so heavily!
- not just the title is classic; the subtitle is "Why the West's Efforts to Aid the Rest Have Done So Much Ill and So Little Good"
- also surprising that Penguin published it given how critical it is
- paperback in 2006
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- starting the middle of 1999, the UN General Assembly began pushing poverty reduction much more
- pushing the UNDP officials to come up with a reasonable set of goals, to try to achieve in the next "development decade" as the new millenium began
- produced a framework to guide development in the new millenium
- 8 major policy goals - the Millenium Development Goals
- supported by all the member nations of the UN
- (are mentioned in the textbook)
- one of the goals, was to halve the number of people living in absolute poverty, by 2015
- gave a new policy emphasis and a country emphasis to this new period of poverty alleviation
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- the question - who in fact lives in "absolute poverty"?
- typically, policymakers want a simple, understandable formula
- so, defined as anyone living on less than $1 USD per day
- this is a very simplistic measure, and it depends on different country contexts
- a dollar US a day might be a survivable income if you live in a fertile land and grow your own crops
- but if you're living in a slum like Karerra and have to pay landlords $25/month just to live in a cardboard and tin shack!
- but has become the benchmark measure
- poverty in general (including the absolute poor) is defined as living on $2 US a day or less
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- Sachs provides a breakdown of people living in poverty
- 6 billion people living in the world
- 2 billion people live within industrialized countries or countries having attained strong rates of economic growth (eg, western countries and South Korea, Hong Kong, Taiwan and Signapore - the four tigers)
- 2 billion people living - some in industrialized countries, and some in 3rd-world middle-income countries (Brazil, Egypt, Indonesia, Thailand)
- an 2 billion people in the world living in poverty
- low-income or no-income individuals
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- our focus from Sachs perspective (from his optimistic book) and from Easterly's perspective (from his thrashing critique)
- is that we should be focused on the 2bil low-income people
- no sense of even addressing devp issues in middle-income countries
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- there's a slight policy contracdiction here in a sense, because a country like India (now a middleincome or newly industrialized country)
- a population of 1.2bil people
- stratified along the same lines: within India, a third quite rich, a third middle income, and a third of the country (450m) very poor
- a huge poor population we may end up ignoiring by only focusing on "low-income countries"
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- new president of the world bank in 1995, James Wollestoncroft, decided that the bank's direction in the past was deeply flawed
- almost accepting Easterlys argument before he published it
- the Bank should assist those who are being left behind by development
- both in past development policies, and in the new neo-classical model
- asserted the need for the bank to become much more focused on assiting the poor
- an internal document in 1996 - "The Plight of the Poor"
- reoriented project-level commitments by the bank to addressing poverty
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- (1st Sachs, then Easterly, then the UNDP, then James W. at the world bank)
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- ended up getting involved in a personal scandal and was forced to resign
- but nevertheless, he had the effect of reorienting world bank policy in this move towards poverty alleviation
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- Reaction of Political Leadership
- any sort of clear direction we can find here?
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- Mozambique has embraced this movement, with more than just superficial reforms
- has drastically cut the salaries of middlerank and senior public servants
- preventing even lowerlevel elites from being able to accumulate wealth
- limits on accumulation by the elite
- and engaged in policies of redistribution of income, from the wealthier segments of society to those in poverty
- has put much more emphasis on low-level rural development
- the political leadership au large has embraced this movement
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- Tanzania, a little bit less enthusiasticly, has also
- new president, elected 2005, Jakaya Kikwete, very dynamic and charismatic
- has turned Tanzania's policy emphasis towards enhancing the life conditions of the country's poor
- has turned away from accepting the package of reforms from the IMF and WB
- and is turning much more decisively towards heavy expenditures in education, health, and water, road and electrical infrastructure
- as Nyerere did, focusing the country again on rural society
- on the expectation that Tanzania can halve poverty there by 2015 - very strong commitment to the MDGs
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- but many country leaders are only giving passing or rhetorical reactions to this movement
- speeches full of poverty reduction rhetoric, but not much actual policy change
- indeed the political class in many DCs will resist the redistribution of income or the focus on the poor, because they want to maintain their poisitions of privelege
- not really willing to move much further than rhetoric
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- donor reaction
- the donor community has also jumped on board the poverty alleviation movement, especially the MDGs
- particularly those MDGs which are easier to achieve
- maternal mortality rates are easier to deal with than halving poverty levels in general
- or gender equity, ensuring that more women are invovled in the political process
- much easier to implement than halving poverty
- commit a lot of money nowadays to particular MDG targets
- but reducing poverty in general demands much larger changes in society, and isn't focused on as much as easier specific targets
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- another very interesting thing
- according to easterly, channeling aid through DC governments is counterproductive, because most DC elites (bureaucratic officials and those in power) use aid funds to sustain their position of power, and distribute aid funds in a discriminate manner
- never really gets down to address the needs of poor people
- might be a dev'p project in their area, but they're rarely direct beneficiaries
- these aid projects tend to benefit those already established in the community
- collaboration between local elites, and regional or national elites - to scoop up any aid funds coming in
- because we now know that aid channeled through govts is problematic, a new strategy has evolved
- if govts are ineffective or corrupt or completely incompetent, is we'll build intermediary institutions between common people and the state
- civil society organizations
- have now become - inthe view of many - much more effective instruments of providing assistance to people at the local level of society
- bypassing govt's in DCs and directly funding grassroots CSOs as an intermediary
- aside: pressure from the govt elites on CSOs? gov't hostility towards CSOs?
- or - political elites will create their own CSOs, to try to divert the enormous sums of international funding back to them
- in some countries, very little regulations on them, very little accountability in terms of financial management
- but int'l NGOs who channel money to CSOs have learned a lot in the last 5 years
- about which CSOs they'll deal with
- and the really powerful int'l NGOs don't even deal with CSOs, but go directly to the poor people
- and of course there's also misappropriation of funds by int'l NGOs
- eg the Int'l Rescue Committee - an enormously powerful NGO; assists people who have become victims of violence within their own countries
- addressing the living conditions of refugees or internally-displaced-peoples (IDPs)
- extremely influential; very effective because 90% of the funds they receive are spent on projects on the ground
- here in Saskatoon, the Mennonite Central Committee; very effective and very low administrative costs - int'lally recognized
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- in many cases the DC govts are quite bemused - or confused - by these developments
- the president of Sudan tried to close down the IRC headquarters in Khartoum, but there was so much pressure from outside countries he was unable to
- don't know how to respond
- Jennifer Holden - thesis on int'l NGOs becoming states within states; seem to be more legitimate powerful, or effective than domestic govts themselves
- Easterly very in favour of it, Sachs not so much
- S. is ambivalent over NGOs
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- also, the religious, evangelical NGOs
- World Vision especially - combines poverty reduction efforts with Christianization
- has a huge overseas staff - "they're everywhere!"
- anytime Steeves tries to find somehting out about them, they clam up
- anecdote - Steeves out in the solomon islands; huge battle fought there during WW2 (Guadalcanal) right in front of the capital
- sitting in the capital, scruffy little town ....
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- Tuesday, September 29, 2009
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Traditional African Society
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- moving away from the discussion of development
- starting to look at traditional african societies
- the impact of colonialism on them
- and how these soceities have influenced post-independence African nations
- generalizing somewhat
- looking at the Banyoro of Uganada and the Kikuyu of Kenya
- comes from a rich history of anthropology
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- Uganda
- inland country
- but huge boundary with Lake Victoria
- made it a huge target for explorers looking for the source of the nile river
- for many imperial countries, became an important strategic target
- one of the major focuses was on controlling the nile
- before that, was a target of Arab slave-traders
- one of the major "exports" was able-bodied men from northern uganda
- used as labourers on the spice plantations of Zanzibar and the middle east
- around the 16th century, became an important source of ivory
- so even though it's an inland country, has faced a lot of "intervention" since the 16th century
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- two disctinct language groups in East africa
- both migrated in around 1000 AD
- the Bantu speakers, and the Nilotic speakers
- to the north of the line, Nilotic-speaking peoples, and to the south of the line the Bantu
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- very different language structure between Nilotic and Bantu languages
- eg
- focus with Nilotic on the sound of words, intonation and emphasis
- word can have a different meaning depending on the intonation
- Bantu a much more sophisticated or highly developed language than Nilotic; relatively easy to understand Bantu speakers regardless of their tribe or group
- whereas with Nilotic groups, it's much more difficult for people from different ethnic groups to understand each other (small dialect differences in intonation will mean different things)
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- Nilotic speakers tend to be pastorialists - cattle herders
- nomadic people
- the men especially, who will travel great distances with their cattle in search of water and grazing land
- while the women and children will stay in small villages tending subsistence crops
- every now and then the men will come back to their village with the cattle
- very unstructured, small-scale clans aggregating together
- a clan may be just 200-250 people; often the cattle will outnumber the people 10 to 20 times
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- the Bantu people - settled agriculturalists
- small scale farmers
- almost everyone in Bantu-speaking communities has access to land, and produces their own crops for subsistence
- in East Africa, two main subsistence crops
- corn or maize (white corn, not the yellow corn we're used to)
- (when food aid is shipped in, people are very uncomfortable eating yellow corn)
- and bananas
- oftentimes, Bantu people tend to look down on Nilotic people
- for pastoral people (like the Nilotic), national boundaries are quite meaningless
- leads to a lot of conflict
- cattle raiding between ethnic groups
- (now with automatic weapons! very violent)
- not only were their raids for cattle, but also raids for young women
- between northern uganda and kenya, a lot of conflict between nomadic pastoral groups
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the Banyoro people
- a lot of outside influence or meddling in Uganda
- first Arab traders, then imperial powers fighting over it
- finally became a British colony (until independence in 1962)
- the country is about the size of Nova Scotia, with a population of 28.2 million today
- in colonial times, was actually the smallest country in the area by population
- most of the population is in the southern part of the country
- high population density
- so many farms have become smaller than they were at the turn of the century
- the north is more suited to cattle herding, but the south is very fertile for farming
- there are two planting seasons and two harvesting seasons
- correspond to a natural cycle in Uganda
- of short rains in novermber and december, and long rains in march through may
- you break the soil and plant before the rains, and then harvest afterwards
- and then plant again before the next rainy season
- African farmers have had centuries of experience with the soil, with tryign to understand weather patters
- but very vulnerable to the weather: if the short rains don't come, that's a whole planting season lost
- being very careful to be able to survive a season of drought
- but if the long rains don't come, then very devastating
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- althouth there's 28.2 mil people, there's a high diversity of ethnic and tribal groups
- the Baganda people represent 17%
- and the Banyoro?? represent 8% of the African population in the country
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- the capital is Kampala, beautiful city
- can see Lake Victoria from there, and built around 7 hills
- was the capital of the colonial administration
- and thus became the centre of commerce and trade
- now a very large city, about 1.5 million people there
- unlike other national capitals, didn't have the shanty settlements that characterized other capitals
- most of the pop. was in reasonable living conditions
- only since the 1990s that these settlements have sprung up surrounding the city
- within the British administration, the British favoured the Bagandans heavily in comparison to the other groups
- a "heartland tribe" - at the centre of Ugandan politics
- during the colonial period, the British allowed the Bagandans to claim extensive territory in central Uganda
- drew the boundaries very liberally
- benefitted heavily in both influence, and in territory
- and thus clashed with the other tribal groups
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- the Banyoro people
- west of the country, between the "mountains of the moon" and Lake Albert
- some parts of the territory are swampy, but because you're up high, the swamps aren't breeding grounds for malaria and tropical diseases
- in pre-colonial times, had a myth about themselves; claimed as many African societies do that they had a long rich history
- see themselves as one of the original Bantu speaking people of Uganda
- in their oral history, claim that at one point they were great cattle people
- only in more recent times - from 1850s forward - that they began to lose territory
- losing large tracts of land to other tribal or ethnic communities
- mostly the more assertive Bagandans
- sees the Bagandans as a community with which they have a history of clashes - rivals
- British colonial rule only confirmed this more deeply; the Banyoro lost land to the Bagandans during colonial times
- whole sort of myth-making of their own dominance in the past, and believe that at some time the gods will smile on them once again and they'll regain their past glory
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- distinction - people are Banyoro, the land is Bunyoro
- likewise, the Bagandans live in the Bugandan territory
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- the Banyoro were in dispersed small scale farms
- 5 to 8 acres was the average size of a farm (very small)
- typically, paths and trails would be at the tops of the hills, and farms would start with the huts and fields would run down the slopes of the hill
- so the farms would be close together
- but there weren't villages per se
- somewhere nearby would be a water hole, and a trading centre (both within walking distance)
- trading centre used intermittently
- very distributed; within shouting distance of a neighbour
- in Banyoro tradition, at adulthood every Banyoro male has claim to land
- usually at 15 to 18 years of age, depending on clan
- had a right to land
- not only that, but a right to roughly equal land, in size and fertility - very egalitarian
- you'd get maybe another acre or two if the land was rocky in places
- up to the clan's traiditonal authorities to allocate the land
- little farms kind of attached together
- each farm marked off by a hedge of Banana plants (trees)
- in their oral history, had a tradition of raising bananas for cattle
- once they stopped herding, used the banaas just as hedges
- but! each farmer is very very talented at brewing beer from these bananas
- ( Steeves says it's just exquisite; but high alcoholic potency! )
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- have a deep spirituality
- involving inanimate objects carrying this spirituality
- certain things are very precious to them, or mystical
- one of these is a miniature Banyan tree that grows in the area
- you can't desecrate this tree
- these trees would become meeting places; you'd sit under them and discuss politics or social relationships
- certain rock outcroppings possess the same spiritualism
- no one god; if the spirits are right we'll prosper
- expressed in oral history and song ; very little record in written history
- having certain feasts, celebrations, and offerings to appease the spirits
- leaving food under Banyan trees
- celebrating adulthood ceremonies or other feasts might be held off for months waiting for the spirits to be right
- felt so much at the mercy of the rains and land; has weight or significance
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- political structure
- very much a hierarchichal political structure
- at the apex is the kiama, or king
- this individual is a hereditary ruler, coming from the dominant founding family of the banyoro people
- the king will be the eldest son in the royal family
- except on occasion when the eldest is seen to be unworthy, and then a struggle between the younger sons to claim the kingship
- places the major political actors in an elitist position; ordinary Banyoro are essentially commoners
- political involvement for them would be reaching too far
- intense competition and maneuvering within this royal family to either succeed the king, or become close to him
- the mother of the king became extraordinarily powerful
- would guide her son in making decisions
- would have a group of advisors with him, in his court
- and these advisors would be recruited from some of the leading clans
- elders, more than say 55 years of age
- often recruited by the queen mother
- territory divided into 4 regions of administration
- the king would appoint senior chiefs to each region
- below the senior chiefs, chiefs would be appointed at the district level
- and then below them, the commoners
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- so: king > senior chief > district chief >commoners
- authority runs down, and accountability runs up
- the chiefs can be removed and replaced by the king
- but for a commoner, no appealing the decisions of chiefs
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- all authority goes back to the king; and one in which Banyoro people in general see political rule as intrusive
- something that impinges upon me; sonething over which i have no control; another burden
- anytime someone doesn't have a choice on something, the expression: "it has ruled me"
- ( aside: asking farmers why they've planted one crop or another? "i had no choice - it has ruled me" )
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- a portion of crops, or chickens and goats had to be turned over to the chiefs as the king's representatives
- sometimes unpaid forced labour of a few months; building roads or community centres
- so political rule is onerous and oppressive; no rights within it for the commoners, just seen as a burden
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- aside from the political structure, each clan has a social structure that is very important
- which clan i'm a member of is determined at birth
- marked off from other clans by symbols
- totemic - each clan has a marker (representing say one animal or another)
- my clan gives me my identity, and sense of community
- this clan is a social organization - other members of my clan are my brothers and sisters - but I also respect the needs and interests of the clan
- like a social welfare institution
- my birthplace and rock; if i get in difficulty i can call my clan members for assistance
- clans are based upon reciprocal obligations
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- not a system of accounting - not "i did a favour for you, you owe me a favour"
- but just an expectation that when my clan needs me, i'll help them, and when i need help i can turn to them
- a number of ceremonies etc. to cement one's sense of community in the clan
- something of a protective system against the political structure
- if i'm sent to do labour for the king for months, my neighbour will help my wife care for the farm
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- what brings these clans together is intermarriage
- a polygamous society; husbands will have a number of wives
- but a man cannot marry a woman from his own clan
- marriage is not just the relationship between husband and wife, but between one clan and another
- the establishment of this relationship is bigger than me
- is negotiated between the elders of both clans
- if a man likes a woman in another clan, he goes to his elders who talk to the elders of the clan she's in
- when a girl marries into a new clan, she doesn't lose her connections to her original clan
- if her husband abuses her, she can go back to her clan and report to her father and mother that she's been abused
- now, this is not just an issue between the man and wife, but escalates immediately to clan vs clan
- her interests and well-being still reside to a high degree with her home clan
- he must be punished - and severely - because this is a breach of trust between the two clans
- payment must be made, from his family and his clan, to her family and her clan
- and the elders decide when sufficient retribution has been made, and the situation can be normalized
- suppose that there isn't an established relationship?
- for example that a woman has been raped; this is a violation of the clan
- whether the man is from the clan or from another clan, he will be exorcised - banished, gone
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- Thursday, October 01, 2009
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- Traditional African Society continued - the Banyoro and the Kikuyu
- the Banyoro
- complex society
- using the social structure as a positive counterpoint to the
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- today: the Kikuyu (Gikuyu) of Kenya
- 34.2 million people living in Kenya
- about the land area of New Brunswick, so not intensive
- boundaried by Uganda and Lake Victoria, Somalia, the Indian Ocean, and Tanzania
- includes the deepwater port of Mombasa, one of the great deep-water ports of east Africa
- has become increasingly significant strategically
- a major calling point for both the British and American naval fleets
- mombasa is an island just offshore, and is an old Arab settlement (back to the 15th century)
- very impressive architecture; the british built a huge fort in the 1890s, Fort Jesus, to defend what the missionaries called "God's Country", but more specifically British interests there
- has been some time since the last census, now going through a new one
- in many ethnically diverse DCs, census-taking itself is
- tremendous angst whether or not Kenyans would be asked to identify their ethnic community
- given the ethnic clashes after the 2007 elections, great fear that by identifying their ethnicity, people will rank where their ethnicities are and know what their power is
- but eventually did decide to have ethnic identification
- from the last, 1999 census
- there are 42 different ethnic communities among the African population
- 42 different "ethnic tribes" according to colonial anthropoligists
- there is also a sizable Asian or East Indian community, 260 000, the majority of whom (85%) have Kenyan citizenship
- also a substantial european community in Kenya, sizable heritage of settler families
- but also because Nairobi is a major, major centre for both commerce (banks etc) and especially aid organizations
- 80 000 europeans, most of them in Nairobi
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- the Kikuyu
- represent 22% of the Kenyan african population
- there's also the Meru and the Embu people (close "cousins") who represent 3% of the african population
- so together, representing 25% of the Kenyan african population
- the second largest, the Abaluhya at 16%
- nobody expected this, huge population explosion between 89 and '99
- living in the eastern province
- and the Kalenjin at 15%
- and the Luo people at 14%
- who were the second-largest ethnic group in the '89 census
- and the Kamba at 11%
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- some of the "famous people" of Kenya like the Maasai (who refuse to decide if they're Kenyan or Tanzanian), come in at 4%
- and two tribes always featured in African documentaries (because of their unique dress, and pastoral lifestyle) - the Turkana at 3% and the Samburu at 2%
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- geographic breakdown
- area surrounding Nairobi ("Nbi") and down is traditional Maasai land
- then just to the north west is the Great Rift Valley, which goes all the way down to South Africa, but is deepest in Kenya and Tanzania - steeply drops by 1700 feet
- also the Aberdares mountains, create a very lush tropical area and very fertile land
- there's a very modern highway (4 lane) going north almost all the way up to ethiopia
- two major trading centres along this highway, Murang'a and Nyeri
- these represent two branches of the Kikuyu people, which live in this area
- and see themselves as distinct groups
- there's also the Kiambu group of the Kikuyu further south, just north of Nairobi
- and Mt. Kenya, the second-tallest mountain in Africa and the only perpetually snow-covered one; very difficult to climb
- the Embu and the Meru, living on the side of the mountain ("we share the mountain")
- rains a lot because of the moutain, makes for fertile land
- you find both high ridges and deep valleys, on both the Aberdares and Mt Kenya
- people will put their houses at the top of the valleys, and their crops going down the ridge
- people here known to be very effective farmers
- there's a great deal of wildlife on the slopes of the Aberdares
- aside: the Treetops hotel, very famous, you should go
- right above a water hole, animals come to drink
- saw a rhinocerous stare down an elephant
- the road goes all the way up to Moyale near (?) Ethiopia
- world bank put gazillions into this road to Ethiopia
- aside, travelling to the myambene hills east of mt kenya
- noticed all the people walking around in a drunken stupor
- chewing twigs of the Miraa tree - very potent hallucinogenic
- and a few months after it's finished, this World Bank highway is used almost exclusively by drug runners bringing miraa to ethiopia!
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- the Kikuya have a very rich oral tradition
- taught this in song and poetry
- and kids compete in local competitions about replicating this oral history
- very strong on this
- part of the initiation into adolescence is presenting these songs and dance and stories
- if your child isn't well-versed in this history, you bring shame upon your people
- pride in the people's history
- belief that the Kikuyu's god resides on Mt. Kenya
- that's what gives the mountain its majesty
- a presence because God resides there, and gives the Kikuyu strength
- the mountain itself is highly revered
- ( aside - visiting a farmer just below the mountain, he succeeded because God was looking down on him; very touched )
- in Kikuyu oral history, God sent two people down the mountain, a couple, to concieve
- kind of a parallel to Adam and Eve
- a few names for him, but the man often called Mogai
- the woman always called Moombi and very revered
- they had 9 daughters, but no sons
- and each daughter founded one of the 9 clans
- since the originally family didn't have any sons, they intermarried with either people there before, or the Maasai
- people derive their strength from the moutain, and their origins from Mobai and Moombi
- if you ask them, they'll say their Kikuyu (not kenyan), and if you ask further they'll explain which of the 9 daughters they descended from
- from the outset, was a matrilianial society - women ruled
- and people trace their origins through their mothers
- the theory is, somewhere in the early 1800s, the men "revolted" and took over power; previously to this was definitely a women-led society
- considered a "revolution"
- much like the Banyoro, the Kikuyu people believe they were once great cattle herders in the north of kenya
- think they originally had a vaste, expansive territority
- cattle are - like the banyoro and many other african tribes - a source of pride
- if you can raise cattle well, and they look strong or give a lot of milk, you're quite the person
- aside on visiting a farm run by a widowed woman and her kids
- the thing she was most proud of all: her cow
- beautiful dairy cow
- the milk paid for her kids' school fees
- but a major source of pride - being a great carer for cattle
- as a settled farmer, you want to provide for your family
- farms called "chombas"
- your subclan or clan would allocate you a plot of land
- and the plots were roughly equal
- and the land was yours as long as you used it
- the principle of "usufruct": the land is yours as long as you use it
- if you leave your home area, the land reverts back to the clan and will be reallocated to someone else
- you can go away for 10 years or 20 years, but when you come back, because you're from that clan, you have the right to land
- not necessarily the same piece, but some land
- you're born into this community, and it will give you the land you need to support yourself and your family
- and if you leave, then it goes to someone else
- but because you have such deep roots here, you can come back anytime and be given land
- your status is measured by how well you're able to care for your family, and develop your chomba or farm
- if your land is very weedy and overgrown, and you still have a traditional roundel hut
- then people will see you as not very worthy, esp. of say clan leadership
- "if you can't manage your chomba, how can you manage affairs of the clan?"
- if you falter, your chances of going anywhere socially or politically are slim
-
- referred to as an acephalous tribe
- very unstructured
- no concept of a king or chiefs or sub chiefs
- rather - going up, the first unit is an mbari, or family homestead
- a polygamous society, so this will include the father, the family leader
- a few wives, usually 3 (?)
- and the wives' children
- and perhaps both the father's and the wives' parents (their kids' grandparents)
- not just an immediate, nuclear family, but an extended family
-
- self-sufficient - would provide its own food
- subsistence agriculture
- main crop is maize
- but also supplemented by sweet potatoes or yams
- sometimes bananas althouth those were mostly used to feed their animals
- once arab traders arrived, surpluses would be traded for other products; metal cookware and knives, etc.
-
- second is the clan, known in Kikuyu as the moherega
- every Kikuyu is born into a clan
- you trace your original lineage through your mother
- when you marry, you join your husband's clan, but this is in a sense a nominal membership
- because your original clan remains a critical tie for you
- the children would see themselves as being part of the father's clan, and part of the mother's clan
- but their lineage itself comes from their mother's clan
- like the Banyoro, the clan is a self-protection mechanism for the wife and her children
- because she can always go back to her founding clan
- a tremendous social sanctuary - her original clan will take care of her and her children without question
-
- can be quite sizable - up to 10 000 members in a clan
- unifies these family units; fundamentally based on reciprocal obligations
- we share a common interest in advancing the membership of - and serving the needs and interests of - the clan
- (see above for more on reciprocal ob.)
- and importantly, the clan allocates land
- by a council of elders
- once you achieve 55 years of age, you're considered an elder
- you become an mzee - an older, wiser person
- and a group of mzee is a wazee
- sometimes nowadays, people will use it to refer to people of higher authority
- and there's an egalitarian dimension to this - each claimant recieves an equal parcel in size and soil fertility
- sons get a traditional claim to land when they reach 18 years of age
- sometimes may be required to clear it from the forest
- the clan also represents the individual in wider affairs
- settling marriage relationships
- or discussing grievances and exacting justice
- eg if someone was beaten by someone else
- calls the individuals forward; if the alleged attacker doesn't show up, that's real bad news
- but if the perpetrator owns up to the offence and compensates the victim (according to the compensation decided by the council) then things are well again
- if there's a land dispute between two clans, the elders from both meet to resolve it
- but if it can't be resolved peacefully, then may resort to violence and younger clan members will be recruited to assist
-
- third organizing principle is the rikaa or "age-grade"
- the homestead represents a very small division within the Kikuyu
- the clan represents a larger unit but still a division
- but the age-grade brings people together and unites Kikuyu
- in Canada, we can mark out different generations (eg, at least one maybe two
- when a child moves from childhood to adulthood, they move into an age-grade
- united because they're moving into adulthood at the same time
- only mark out two, alternating generations
- either mwangi or maina
- and your children will enter the other one
- it doesn't matter what family or clan you're from, you carry your age-grade with you
- and this makes you brother and sisters with each other in your age-grade, and you refer to people as that
-
- this ceremony happens at a very young age
- for girls, around 12 to 14
- for boys, around 14 to 16
- this is where you get your age-grade name
- and the transition from childhood to adulthood
-
- this ceremony is marked by male and female circumcision
- something marked by considerable controversy, particularly with respect to female circumcision
- and the view that female circumcision represents female genital mutilation, or FGM
- and many girls now refuse, much easier if her parents are in higher status in society
- there's now a political movement against it in Kenya
- but in the view of many elders, if a female doesn't go through this ceremony, they're not fully Kikuyu
- circumcision as an initiation right is specific to Bantu-speakers
- the nilotic or nilo-hamitic peoples do not engage in circumcision
- a Maasai or Luo girl for example is not required to go through this procedure
-
- the idea of reciprocal obligations is expanded to one's age-grade brothers and sisters
-
- and in the Kikuyu, there's no political hierarchy, just each clan's council of elders
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-
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- Tuesday, October 06, 2009
-
- unrelated stuff just so i write this down:
- http://www.ted.com/index.php/talks/hansroslingshowsthebeststatsyouveever_seen.html
- "the improvement of the world must be highly contextualized"
- "how do you get serious? you make a powerpoint."
- a few years old but super sweet-o
-
- traditional african society continued
-
- Oral History
- like the banyoro, have a rich oral history
- and consider themselves to be a chosen people
- believe themselves to have started as cattle herders
- and then settled down as agriculturalists
- but were quite expansionist
- clashed frequently over land with the Kamba people to the east and south
- the kamba people being very strong muscular people
- kamba keep cattle (living in a lush area), and thus always fear that people are going to come take their cattle from them
- and have a warrior tradition; the youth can be mobilized to fight immediately
- and would clash with the maasai to the south
- a love-hate relationship
- sometimes clash, and sometimes inter-marry!
- really interesting, beautiful country
- great for cattle
- the maasai herd their cattle up and down these hills
- maasai also have a great warrior tradition
- their initiation ceremony - a young man has to take a spear and kill a lion!
- traditionally; nowadays not so common
- southern kikuyu would try to steal cows, and also young maasai women
- the maasai believe that god put every cow on earth for the maasai people - you don't mess with the maasai cattle
- it would become open war, and the maasai would kill as many kikuyu as they could because they value cattle more than people
- aside: drought 3 years ago
- the maasai moved out of the drought area by moving into Nairobi - with 18 000 cattle! into parks and areas within the city
- herding across 3 lane highways; everyone stops
- because if you kill a maasai cow, you're done
- very vicious, but very sweet people
- a very good maasai cow is valued at $400 USD
- and the price for a maasai daughter to marry, is 40 cattle
- $16 000 USD !
- when the average income is $300-some US (???)
- young maasai boys now find it very difficult to afford to marry
- aside: meeting an old maasai farmer
- price for his beautiful, articulate daughter (who had gone through high school!) - 100 cattle
- the father originally suggested 70 cattle, but his clan agreed he was undervaluing his daughter
- the other clan really had to scrape together
-
- certain activities are the responsibility of males, and some that of women
- the men
- cut down the trees
- clear the land of roots and rocks
- and prepare the land for planting
- the women
- plant crops
- fertilize, weed, and tend crops
- harvest (but with the assistance of young boys)
- and pound the maize into maize flour
- interestingly, each woman will plant a piece of land on her family unit enough to feed herself, her children, and help feed her husband
- she and her children take care of their own subsistence
- (given it is a polygamous society)
- the woman can take her own surplus to market to buy other goods
- collectively grown crops; the profit from that goes to the male
- so the women are in charge of subsistence production, but men are in charge of cash crop production
- (may or may not be frittered away by the male)
- there's a tension that develops between the male and female once cash crops are introducted
- it's a windfall amount of money, once a year (at least for coffee production)
- may spend the money on alcohol, or a big party, or womanizing in nairobi
- shrewd males would use that income to invest in other cash producing activity
- eg buying dairy cattle
- or may invest in off-farm activity
- a trade centre or little store
- and if he invests off-farm - since he can't be in two places at once! - he'll choose one of his wives to be the manager of this shop
- often the younger of his wives
- someone who's been to secondary school
- knows english and math, reading forms and doing inventory and accounting
- or a small pickup truck
- because then you can start charging money to transport goods and people
- the male may become more engaged in off-farm activity, and leave management of his farm to his sons
-
- if the male dies
- a brother may take over responsibility for the farm, if the male's sons were too young
- once the eldest son turns 18, he'll likely take over the care of the farm
- the trouble with bringing in a brother (kids' uncle), sometimes isn't sufficiently responsible for the farm since he lives elsewhere
- or, one of the widowed wives may take over
- (this is decided by the council of elders)
- when you put the HIV/Aids pandemic into this equation, in many areas of rural Africa, is the female-ization of agriculture
- in some parts of Kenya and Tanzania, an astounding number of farms run by women
- the other astounding part - when the eldest son becomes of age...
- without the father's influence, they become very wild
- so the mother will tell the clan to find land for the sons elsewhere, and send them away
- African women are much more caring and concerned about maintaining the productivity of the farm than males were
- more shrewd investments, more productive farms
- aside: one district in Kenya where many men started drinking dramatically
- drinking so prolifically they were drinking away their kids' school fees
- so the women got together in 2003 and passed a resolution that they wouldn't allow men to live in their area
- they banned the husbands!
- and if the men tried to come back to their farms, the women would forcibly beat them and remove them from the area
- some men now going to AA counselling; interesting to see where this has gone
- it's only in the last decade or so that women are becoming the targets of agricultural support and aid
- this female-ization of agriculture is substantial, largely caused by the HIV/Aids pandemic
-
- in the Luo culture, there's a tradition of wife inheritance
- the wives of the deceased male will also be inherited by the male's brother, along with the land
- many Luo women are resisting this practice because of HIV/Aids
- they don't want to go live with the husband's brother out of fear that he's infected
- aside: a Luo woman explaining that she refuses to marry a Luo man, because "they're all infected"
- planned to marry european
- possibly Steeves' father in law
-
- if you leave your land, it reverts to common land and is allocated to someone else
- once the population expands, there's more and more pressure on the land
- the idea of subdividing existing land was not very practical
- if you subdivided 8 acres into 2 four-acre plots, it can't really sustain anyone
- so instead of everyone having a right to land, they've changed the rights
- people will turn their land over to their eldest son when they die
- but for the younger sons, there's no land available from the clan
- they'd be given rights to use land, but only on a temporary basis
- considered an ahoi - given the right to plant, care for and harvest on a section of an uncle's land
- and buy some kind of gift for the uncle for allowing him to use the land for the year
- no kind of permanent guarantee
- the ahoi status is disappearing, and many kikuyu are becoming land-less
- there's just too many of them
- the right to land that existed in trad. society has become eroded over time
- which has led to a increasing social tension
-
- contrasting a hierarchal, political tribe - the Banyoro
- and an unstructured tribe, the Kikuyu
- have been very innovative, not held back by political
-
- next class: the colonial situation
- Balandier - colonial situation
- Frantz Fanon - the wretched of the earth
-
-
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- Thursday, October 08, 2009
-
The Colonial Situation
- Context
- a dramatic period in world history
- expansion of european power to africa, latin america, asia and polynesia
- virtually every indigenous people put under colonialism
- in the later half of the 19th century and the 20th century, the most dramatic stage of colonialism
- this expansion subjudgated a wide variety of peoples
- imposed on these people a "special type of situation"
- suddenly and dramatically, we have strangers from abroad assert their power and authority over local people
- the type of social structure or situation that was created has its own unique characteristics
- a particular type of authority
- and a particular type of subjudgation
-
- Perspective
- a number of perspectives you can approach this with
- ours will be mostly from a policial perspective
- but it's important to be multidisciplinary
- also economic
- the economic relationships between the colonies and the metropolitan country (or colonial power)
- what is the extractive process here
- what key resources is the metropolitan interested in?
- how does local labour fit into this relationship?
- what are the organized interests in the metropolitan country that seek their advantage in the colony?
- relationship between these interests and the degree of exploitation?
- and historical
- tracing out the initial establishment of colonial power
- how was it that the imperial power identified and then established its authority over a particular colonial area?
- what are the boundaries, how did they come to be?
- what is the nature of the competition between the imperial powers in seeking to carve out imperial control?
- mapping out the history of imperial expansion
- and then looking at the indigenous people on the groun
- what was the reaction to the initial establishment of outside control?
- and a sociological perspective
- usually applied somewhere in the middle of the colonial period
- what new social groups begin to emerge within the colony?
- as a result of
- education
- colonial preference
- what new layers are introduced to indigenous society
- what's the social impact of colonial rule
- or what new forces begin to emerge in the local society as a response?
-
- Defining characteristics
- 1. the domination imposed by a foreign minority, racially or ethnically or culturally different, which acts in the name of a racial and cultural superiority
- this superiority is usually dogmatically affirmed
- assumed as a given by the foreign minority
- 2. this foreign minority imposes itself upon an indigenous population which constitutes itself a numerical majority but which is inferior to the minority group in a material and technological point of view
- eg the indigenous population is strongly in the majority by population, but is at a material and technological disadvantage
- 3. this domination by the foreign minority makes radically different forms of civilization
- brought into a newly established relationship
- we see a mechanized, industrialized society with a powerful economy
- and crucially, a fast tempo of life
- and a Christian background
- now imposing itself on a non-industrialized society in which the pace of living is slow, and whose people come from traditional religious backgrounds
- the assumption on the part of the foreign minority that the indigenous population is "backward"
- 4. we have to concede that the relationship between these two societies is fundamentally antagonistic
- and this can be traced to the subservient role to which the colonial people (subjects of colonial rule) are confined
- at every point in time
- they become in a sense "subjected peoples"
- they are, in fact, seen as instruments of the colonial power
- critically important to what happens later on
- 5. with a foreign minority imposing itself on an indigenous majority, this is accomplished through overwhelming force and strategic instruments
- establishes colonial rule
- many of the borders were drawn up in conferences in Europe, and there was substantial resistance
- but coercion and force can only be used so far, then it becomes counterproductive
- there's a need in maintaining this relationship of domination to go beyond force
- and develop not only a structure of authority, but also to articulate a series of strategic instruments to maintain this domination
- to ensure that this foreign minority will continue to prevail at every moment
-
- Structures of colonial society
- can be seen as a pyramid
- at the top, *officials on the ground
- expatriates - from the mother country
- usually recruited from the national public service of the colonial power, into its "colonial service"
- recruited on "secondment" - they'd leave their position in the public service at home, and be seconded to the colonial service to serve for a period of two to (usually) four years
- as a colonial official out in the colony
- at the end of their 4-year contract, they have the opportunity to return back home and either return to the post they left in the public service, or to another equivalent post in a different area of govt
- "cycling" in and out, from the mother country to one colony, back home, perhaps to another colony
- these people have unquestioned authority in the colony
- usually the colony is headed by a governor, or key magistrate
- everything goes through the governor
- at the top of the officialdom
- below the officials, we have another group of expatriates, businesspeople
- people in the colony for specific purposes
- these can be businesspeople
- opening up financial institutions, law firms, etc.
- these people become quite influential in the private sector
- and then Europeans in general
- next layer down is missionaries
- almost always drawn from church groups back in the mother country
- anglican, presbyterian, catholic, united, etc.
- then sometimes, adventurers
- people attracted to "the other world", as it's known
- it's a different culture, lifestyle, experience
- and sometimes, rascals or the dregs of european society
- seeing if they can do any better there than in europe!
- and then the safari-types
- people out there on a brief safari or big game hunt
- short stays in and out
-
- and then in the middle region of the power structure...
- we'll often find an immigrant community
- for reasons of labour power
- or economic skill or ability
- usually, early in the colonial period
- often people from China and India, or other parts of asia
- recruited into the colony to play certain roles in the colonial society
- in the early 1900s, the British gained control of Fiji
- and when they went there, discovered the Fiji were controlled by a traditional hierarchy
- a very complex indigenous society
- and the British concluded they wouldn't really be effective in a plantation setting (which was the plan for Fiji - huge sugar plantations)
- they were unreliable as labourers
- so the British brought people in from India to work as indentured labourers on the sugar plantations
- agriculture - especially labour-intensive plantations
- and infrastructure construction
- ports, roads and buildings
- sometimes, these immigrant populations played significant roles in the economic system
- overseas-Chinese traders; very entrepreneurial
- a large number of colonial countries with large Chinese communities
-
- and then at the bottom, the indigenous people of the country
-
- domination goes down, and subjugation goes up
- from economic pressures, to religious evangelism
-
- the pyramid:
- 1 to 2% in the top, european sector
- 3 to 10% (10 being unusually high) making up the immigrant community
- and the remaing 90 to 98% being the indigenous population
-
- underlying this structure is the assumed superiority of the white race
- underlying assumption of racial superiority
- and of the "excellence" of the white race
- inherent right to rule or dominate
- that this is a "given" of history
-
- this 1 to 2 % is actually quite vulnerable
- if the great majority of the population organized itself, it could quickly overwhelm and devour officialdom
- so the fear of revolt was very pertinent to european officials
- this was a very tenuous situation
- not just those in the administrative centre of the colony, but especially those posted to isolated areas of the colony
- force can only take you so far
- because if you brutalize people by using force extensively, you'll have a revolution on your hands
- so you need a set of strategic instruments that will help you maintain this structure
-
- classic novel by Graham Greene - "The Heart of the Matter"
- travelled extensively in Africa and SE Asia
- and a great story of a colonial officer posted to a remote part of an african colony
- Somerset Mom has also written on this extensively
-
- Strategies
- European officials rendered themselves "untouchable"
- a. you keep contacts with the indigenous population (as an official) to a bare minimum
- you only deal with the indigenous population in an offical capacity
- in any colonial outpost, you'll have the government compound
- surrounded by high walls
- and you'll have the building of the head of the district in the centre of the compound
- surrounding it (but within the walls), you'll have the offices of all the other deparments
- a walled compound, separating it from the rest of society
- with only one entrance, with a gate and a security staff (two people, not usually armed, but with a distinctive uniform; usually khaki)
- to contact the local population, either they'll be admitted in (under strict supervision)
- or the officials will leave "on safari" - that is, to tour the district, meet with people, travelling in land rovers with escorts or something
- and then return to the compound
- and then you'll have a specific area for government housing
- and indigenous people will not be allowed into the area, except in a subservient role (eg houseboys or housegirls, or nannies, or servants of some kind)
- there would typically be a servants' quarters behind a govt official's house
- where they would live; but they couldn't bring their families in to stay there except maybe to visit
- officers would be provided furniture and
- a lifestyle equivalent to that they'd experience at home
- and given that the officers are staying for say 4 years, they'd usually bring their families with them
- and it's hard enough to ask your spouse to go to Malaya even if you are getting a decent house!
- and then somewhere in between, the club
- it's only the official per se who's formally in a work environment
- the wife or children usually don't have any work responsibilities for the day
- may volunteer in the community, at a hospital or something
- the day of a colonial officer
- starts the day at 7:30am, to set a good example
- goes for lunch, either back home with the wife, or to the club
- goes on tour,say from 1:30 to 4:20
- just in time to wrap up, check the mail and go to the club
- always this time when colonial officials go to the club
- what is the club?
- a sanctuary
- a place where you can relax
- you can't believe the stresses of the day for a colonial official
- dept. requests from the capital city
- the indigenous people who don't want to do what we want
- so need to relax
- from 4:30 to 5:15, arrive and have a "sundowner"
- for the british, usually a gin & tonic
- as well as being a drink, it's an antimalarial
- and the club being a microcosm of home
- furnished just like home
- chandaliers in French clubs
- hardcover books by french authors
- newspapers, arriving a few months late by ship
- a feeling of home
- if it's near the weekend, the wife and kids will come to the club for supper
- a section for the kids; there might be a pool for them to splash around in
- and on the weekend, the driver would take the kids home for the nanny to care for them
- and the official and his wife would relax at the club with the other couples
-
- not much contact with indigenous people
- either junior people working in a subservient role (security guards or servants)
- some interaction in terms of visitors or on tour
- but always (with a car and driver) a subservient setting for the indigenous people
- and the structure of the buildings, compound, and especially club also keeps this separation
- for the officers, a welcome reminder almost
-
- the most famous, the Jockey Club in Hong Kong
- overlooks a reconstruction of the Ascot racetrack
- has gyms, an indoor pool, two terraces, very extraordinary
- but they're everywhere, Rio de Janeiro, Lusaka, all over
- the Muthaiga club in Nairobi
- has an 18-hole golf course surrounding it
-
- so to sum up: maintaining strict separation between the indigenous and the european people
- reinforced by the structure of the compound and these other places
- a certain geographic area for the officials, another for europeans, another for the immigrant community
- contact is kept at the bare minimum
-
- aside from Steeves: needed to get research clearance from the office of the Kenyan president
- really wanted to study the socialist experiment in Tanzania, but couldn't get clearance
- part of the requirement of the clearance is, whenever you go into a rural district, you need to go meet the district commissioner
- the person in charge of everything in the district, law and order and government
- rented a VW Beetle, with a metal plate and Michelin tires on for long-term travel
- goes to visit a district commissioner
- a psychological setup
-
-
-
- Tuesday, October 13, 2009
-
- about 20 minutes late, missing the first notes
- The Colonial Situation (con't)
- strategic instruments
- 1. keep contacts to a bare minimum
- 2. european as a model to emulate
- denying the possibility of actually attaining this model
- aspire to be something "other" than self
- the french had a policy of assimilation
- saw race as less important, but rather the embrace of the french culture
- colony as a way to spread this influence
- 3. ideology
- a set of "justification myths"
- this is, for a colonial officer, quite a sacrifice
- moving to a strange land, with their young family
- living a difficult and stressful life
- malaria and diseases, fever, tropical environment
- different cultures and challenges
- they're not doing this for themselves, they're doing it for you
- to serve the African people
- a career of personal sacrifice
- the "White Man's Burden"
- coined by the poet Rudyard Kipling
- "sending out the best of the breed" to civilize and christianize
- and "move these people forward"
- we're not here for our own gratification, but to serve others and take up this colonial mission
-
- Noumea, New Caledonia
-
- the french, when confronted with 'barbarians', try to convert them to french civilization
- implied a fundamental acceptance of their human qualities
- but a total dismissal of any cultural value
- Stephane Bernard ("The Franco-Morrocan conflict") explains
- considered to be a people without any history
- history begins with the introduction of their colonial control
- they are "fortunate to come in touch with the fruits of French civilization"
-
- 4. Political tactics to preserve the power balance
- the colonized people outnumber us, but there's various political tactics we can use to stay on top
- divide and rule
- to deliberately curry favour with one ethnic community or tribe, and promote that community at every moment, and diminish the others
- or perhaps favour two or three, but always at the expense of all the others
- stereotypes begin to emerge; the favoured community looks down on the unfavoured ones as a bit more heathens
- and the idea is to keep the majority divided and disorganized
- key example is Rwanda
- the seeds of the 1994 genocide were laid under Belgian rule
- when a smaller ethnic minority was given inordinate political power, and came to see themselves as the natural rulers
-
- 5. Political representation
- but strictly controlled
- policy of cooptation
- we will co-op people into the colonial administration
- the best and the brightest young students
- or influential people
- so we'll then have shared interests - a way of disarming dissent and organization
- happens all the time in organizational politics
- if you become a voice of dissent, there are two strategies
- to isolate you and treat you as the village idiot
- or bring you in to some kind of committee so you share some kind of responsibility for the decisions of the committee, even if you may not agree with them
- the french were notably good at this
-
- 6. the Mother Country
- can always be relied on for assistance when needed
- ....usually in the form of troops
- the british maintained, at all times, a well-trained force ready to go at any moment to crush civic dissent
- rapid mobilization forces (RMF)s ready to be sent anywhere in the world (nowadays, to crush terrorism! but the americans didn't come up with it)
- the British maintained this force in colonial times, based out of india
-
- exceptions
- settler colonies
- creates special conditions
- you're bringing settlers in from the mother country
- these people expect levels of committment and public services at the same level they had at home
- and they'd expect govt to support them in their efforts to become large-scale agricultural managers
- most settlers came to manage large-scale farms
- and they'd expect a voice in govt, because after all they had a voice in govt back home
- adds to the complications
- because you're moving indigenous people off their land - and the land of their anscestors - and giving it to the settlers
- this really polarizes the social, economic and political situation
- because on the one hand, you have modern, large-scale agriculture, standing beside small-scale peasant agriculture
- the needs of the settlers tend to overwhelm the needs of the majority
- ex: Algeria, Southern Rhodesia (now Zimbabwe), South Africa (and the Afrikaaners community), Kenya
-
- Academic perspectives
- 2. Frantz Fanon - an indigenous person from Martinique
- was very well educated, son of a doctor and a writer
- went to Paris for university studies; trained as a psychologist, then became a medical doctor, and opened a small clinic in a suburb in Paris just after WW2
- often, the people coming to his clinic couldn't pay for their medication, so he'd help pay out of his own pocket
- but in the 1950s, became frustrated with the class structure in france
- and the upper class he could frequent as a doctor were boring
- and so moved to Algeria
- a group called the FLN had formed in the late 1940s with the idea of taking back algeria from the french
- became very disenchanted with the whole colonial system, especially as settlers had forced people off their lands
- this Front de Liberation Nationale became a very popular, populist movement
- Fanon became a doctor with the FLN, working as a doctor in the trenches
- the civil war in Algeria became a major focus in France
- kind of France's Vietnam
- that people would take up arms against France in this way, was very shocking to the french elites
- and for Fanon, this was both a way to support a populist movement, and stick it to the french authoirites
- and so Fanon became a national hero in Algeria
- he also wrote 3 books
- the first was very famous, "Black Skins, White Masks"
- and in this book, Fanon was extremely critical of those within Algeria, the very educated, who participated in the colonial administration - the emerging elite
- the second, "A Dying Colonialism"
- written from the perspective that he saw the french presence in Algeria as self-serving, arrogant, unaware of the anguish being caused to the Algerian people by the settler population
- and especially critical of the settlers themselves
- and last, the one that still has major influence "The Wretched of the Earth"
- it came out at just about the time that nationalist movements were hitting their peak
- and was printed as a penguin paperback worldwide!
- ( despite its salience to indigenous peoples everywhere, hasn't been taken up much by First Nations people here in Canada )
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- Thursday, October 15, 2009
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- Frantz Fanon
- born in martinique; educated in france
- interested in the impact of colonialization on indigenous peoples
- influential writer
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- the colonial world as a world of compartments
- separate schools for the european children, and for the native children
- separate quarters for the european and native people
- underlying this seperateness is a system of force
- the dividing line between the two compartments, are marked by the barracks and the police station
- this is the frontier dividing the two worlds, and it's maintained with great rigour
- in maintaining this line, the go-between for the indigenous person is the soldier and the policeman - these are the intermediaries
- they are in a sense (from fanon's perspective) the spokesperson for the dominance of the (european) settler
- and his oppressive form of rule
- there's this ordering of compartments to maintain stability and control
- one wants to cultivate it among the indigenous people, an aura of submissiveness to the authority of the colonial power
- a classic quote,
- "in the colonial countries the pliceman and the soldier, by their constant presence and interaction, enforce the native person and advise him by means of riflebuts not to budge"
- we have a principle of "reciprocal exclusivity"
- these two towns - the settlers, and the natives - are exclusive to each commiunity
- there's no thought that one can live in the other; this zoning is enforced at every moment
- pg 39 of TWOTE
- "the settlers town is a strongly built town, all made of stone and steel. it is a birhgtly lit town, the streets are covered with asphalt, and the garbage cans cover all the leftouts. The settlers feet are never viisble, and protected by strong shoes although his streets are clean and even; his town is a well-fed town, easy going town; a town of white people, of foreigners.
- "but the town belonging to the colonized people, the reservation, is a place of ill fame; men of evil repute. men are born there; men will die there though no one knows why or how. they live there on top of each other; it's a hungry town, and angry
- "a crouching village. a town on its knees; a town wallowing in the mud."
- not only is there a feeling of submissiveness, there's an underlying hatred for the european settler
- "when a native looks at a settler, its with a feeling of lust. it represents the dream on the part of the native to live as the settler does. They want to take our place...
- an underlying enviousness for the settler and what he represents
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- it's a world cut in two
- a surreal creation, from Fanon's perspective
- and what seems to be the most important dimension here, is the economic structure that divides settlers and natives becomes a superstructure
- turns the Marxian concept on its head
- mark says to analyze society, you first need to look at the economic setup of society
- the means of production
- and everything else depends on this underlying structure
- they're all a reflection of the economic superstructure
- Fanon disagrees
- that the economic structure determines social structure is incorrect
- the cause of the structuring of power is also the consequence of power - the two merge
- in the colonial context, "you're rich because you are white; you are white because you are rich"
- marxist analysis is fundamentally flawed when you look at the colonial situation and the colonial world
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- so the system is a set of compartments
- anchored by a system of force
- with underlying submissiveness, hatred and envy
- you can understand that eventually, the native people are going to revolt and overthrow this racial set up
- these people are not rich because they're economically astute; they're rich based on what country they were born in
- this consciousness of exploitation (of the natives recognizing they are being exploited)
- combined with astute leadership
- and you'll get a revolutionary challenge
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- even over a period of two or three years, people became more conscious
- at the start, people would be completely submissive, and follow authority unquestioningly
- but by a few years into the movement people were actively acting against authroity
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- why he shook the western academic community so deeply
- was that as a psychologist, he suggested that colonialism leaves deep emotional scars in people
- this pattern of submissiveness leads to a situation where indigenous individuals feel a loss of self-worth
- they're continually told they're not good enough; they're poorly educated, they're uncivilized
- and they're constantly being beaten down by these soldiers and policement if they show any recalcitrance
- the colonial situation creates a dehumanizing effect
- and it's only through direct action that individuals can recapture their humanity
- Fanon suggested that the only way to recapture one's humanity, is to attack the oppressor. Physically.
- and venture rage on those who have oppressed you.
- renewal - recapturing our human spirit - can only come through an act of violence against those who have violated us
- this is in 1960, when nationalist movements are challenging authority throughout the world
- and this is a call to arms
- those who have been colonized can only be truly free if they vent this, violently
- an emotional healing process for people who have been beaten down
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- and so immediately, Fanon was rejected by many western academics as being revolutionary or communist
- but his writings are still a landmark
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What drove the colonial powers?
- ( there's some classes in history, and even in geography, possibly sociology that strategically analyze the colonial experience )
- looking at the British situation
- the british colonial system was highly dependent on the colonial official
- the way in which the british both defined and adminsitered their colonies
- 1. the colonial official was a product of the british middle or upper class
- 2. usually graduates of "Oxbridge", an undergraduate degree; but educated people
- 3. usually younger people, often brought out to the colonies in their early 30s (30 to 35 years of age)
- 4. preferably, they're married and have children
- young families becoming established
- 5. and prior to their colonial experience, they've been working in the british national public service
- 6. who have, by all accounts, the prospect of a very successful career
- people showing upwards mobility within the public service
- and they've been trained on the job for a number of years as administrators
- 7. understand as bureaucrats the importance of rules and regulations
- hierarchy is important
- if you don't know the answer, you defer upwards to higher authority
- rules and regulations, in the british mind, are critical
- they establish order and stability
- "measured growth" - we don't want to move forward too quickly
- not that we're conservative, but that's the best way for the world to unfold
- 8. these are people who can react to challenge (autonomously)
- they know what the system requires of them, but if there's nothing to guide them, they're able to work their way through
- they can, at times, work autonomously and without direction
- we can always "muddle through"
- ( aside, north americans are always stressed. The british are unstressed; don't worry, we'll just muddle through! )
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- the british didn't have an underlying ideology to give these officials when they went out to the field
- it was assumed that the colonial officer knew why he was being sent
- an inherent belief in the essential rightness of the british imperial experience
- and associated with this is a high degree of pride
- we're being called upon to go to the colony
- and take part in this grand adventure
- Britain was the premier colonial power; the british navy carried power everywhere
- not only is this mission right, but there are reciprocal benefits
- we, the british, are extending our influence and power, and we are acquiring valuable economic resources in our colonies, to drive our manufacturing industry back home and enhance british trade
- but on the other hand, indigenous people are benefitting as well
- because we're bringing to them a new way of life
- they're reap the benefits of our technology
- of our education
- of our discipline
- and we will enhance their material standard of living
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- even though there are harsh aspects to establishing the colonial world especially to recalcitrant people, we're bringing benefits to the native people
- and of course we're spreading the christian message, which can only be a good thing
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- let us let the situation in each colony define our action
- each colony is unique; we can't impose just one model on every colony
- a certain empiricism - let the field shape our rule in any one colony
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- we need a system of administration
- to maintain order and stability in the colony
- to generate revenue and collect taxes and duties
- to generate the revenue that the british colony always sought - to make the colony self-financing
- the french were much more willing to subsidize their colonies than the british were
- and we'll define the rules and regulations to shape the behaviour of the indigenous people
- and we need to create a viable economy
- an economy that over time will gain strength
- there are two choices
- a peasant economy
- or a settler-based economy
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- had to leave for presentations; missing the last 30 minutes of the class
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- Tuesday, October 20, 2009
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- (absent, missing notes on "indirect and direct rule")
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- Thursday, October 22, 2009
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The partitioning of East Africa
- the most important early contact with the horn of africa came from the arab countries to the north and northwest
- introduction of slave trade around 1770s
- arose with the decision of the french to establish plantations on the island of mauritius, and madagascar
- set up sugar and spice plantations on these two islands off the eastern side of the african continent
- given that plantation agriculture requires a great deal of labour, turned to arab traders to recruit slave labour for these plantations
- and much of this slave labour came from the peopels of northern uganda (some from tanzania, but less so)
- largely because arab traders had established trading routes into uganda as early as the 1400s
- the french did so well that the sultan of Oman decided to leave oman and take up residence on th island of Zanzibar, just off the coast of east africa
- and here, the sultan set up the same kind of plantation agriculture - spices and cloves
- which again required substantial slave labour
- so by 1770, there was something between 40 000 and 60 000 slaves exported from east africa annually
- and a movement from the north to pillage africa of its young males
- from sudan, to the arab world
- for every slave that was exported, two others died on their way to the destination
- the slave trade was banned later in the 1800s, so now new mechanisms of wealth creation were required
- so arab traders turned to ivory
- could command a huge price in China, and the far east
- huge herds of elephants in Kenya and Tanzania
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- but wasn't really until the early 1890s that European interest in East Africa was really triggered
- at the conference of Berlin, the european imperial powers divided Africa up
- but East Africa and the horn of africa was a bit different, since it was a mad scramble for control
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- Britain
- Britain saw its value not from a commercial point of view, but from a strategic point of vew
- the british empire had as its crown jewels, the Indian subcontinetn
- and the british were deeply concerned about controlling the passage to india
- and one part of that passage was the Suez Canal
- the other part of the puzzle, was to control Suez, one had to control Egypt
- and to firmly control Egypt, one had to control the Nile River Valley
- so: India - Suez Canal - Egypt - Nile River (and - Uganda)
- a whole bunch of european explorers were looking for the source of the nile
- would mark an opportunity to mark out sovereignty over the source
- Stanley and Livingston looked for it
- but Speke was the explorer who discovered it (at least a part, the White Nile coming out of Lake Victoria in Uganda)
- also known henceforth as the Victoria Nile
- immediately led the British to try to control this
- led the british to desperately seek control over Uganda
- the other source of the nile, the Blue Nile, comes out of the moutains in Ethiopia
- Ethiopia being the one country that resisted European colonialization
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- an overpowering sense of awe when you face the Nile River
- the two branches come together in Khartoum, the capital of Sudan
- some people call it the the cradle of civilization
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- but the british weren't alone in this quest for the nile
- the Germans were strong competitors in gaining control over east africa
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- Germany
- having seen the British suggest that east africa would become british territory
- claimed the territory to the south of uganda and kenya, known then as "Tanganika"
- a huge area of land that also bordered Lake Victoria
- gave the germans a presence in East Africa
- much bigger than Kenya and Uganda
- critically important, because right offshore is the island of Zanzibar
- with its spice and clove plantations
- gave them influence over the oman of Zanzibar
- brought them very close together
- the import-export trade in Zanzibar was very well established
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- Portugal
- the portugese gained control over Mozambique, further south yet
- each country staking out large expanses of land
- Mozambique gave the portugeuse control over one of the major ports of east africa
- gave them influence over rhodesia, and malawi
- much of the trade going out to the east - and to the centre of southern africa - going through mozambique
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- british interests were largely strategic; German interests were strategic and commercial, and Portugese interests were also strategic and commercial
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- the british decided in 1894 that the only way to establish a secure communications link to Uganda was a railroad
- so, would build a railroad from Mombasa, to Nairobi, to Kisumu on Lake Victoria
- and barges would take goods from these trains across the Lake to uganda
- stage one of the railway construction - 1894 to 1902
- huge effort to build this railroad
- first problem: from nairobi to mombasa is about 300 kms
- at mombasa, about 40 miles inland, is very tropical
- very hot, humid and muggy - and malaria infested
- the first british envoy to east africa was Arthur Hardinge
- met with the sultan of Zanzibar over access through east africa to Uganda
- negotiated the rights for an inland route
- the sultan was paid a huge amount of money for this permission
- and he also gave the british control over the entire coastal region
- in exchange for all sorts of gifts from the british
- and hardinge goes to mombasa to oversee the construction of this railroad
- lots of
- but short of labour
- and the Africans in (later Kenya) are hostile; would not be cooperative workers
- so go to India, and recruit East Indians to come to Kenya and work as indentured labourers
- most of them were told they'd have passage to and from india; they'd be paid a decent wage, and at the end of their contract, they could choose either return passage to india, or would allow them to settle in East Africa under a resident visa program
- approximately 5 000 to 6 500 people came from India to Mombasa to work on building this railroad
- not only were the African people hostile, but the labour gangs building the railroad often came into conflict with the indigenous people as the railroad went along
- especially with the Komba people
- attacked the labour gangs in lightning raids; destroyed the tracks
- troops were sent from India to put down this native resistance
- once you get out of the tropical zone, you climb in altitude to the point that when you get to Nairobi, you're 5 200 feet about sea level
- and you go into dry savannah country
- a bit of bushes, but a lot of thorn trees and open grassland
- perfect for African wildlife
- not only did these labour gangs have to deal with running attacks from the Komba, they had to deal with animal attacks
- a huge area now named Tsavo National Park
- lions being a bit of a problem, but leopards were enormously dangerous
- get to nairobi, and realize there's a problem
- the Great Rift Valley
- cuts from Cairo almost all the way down to johannasburg
- a huge ditch
- very deep
- about 1700 foot drop, and on the western side, rises about 800 feet
- huge engineering feat to do this
- because it would take 10 months to do this, Nairobi became a central point
- Nairobi itself Masaii for "fresh water"; fed by the Nairobi river
- ( nairobi river not actually something significant; more of a fast-flowing creek, coming out of the mountains north of there ; fresh clean drinking water )
- became a new settlement; Hardinge moved from Mombasa to there
- no malaria or pressing tropical heat in Nairobi; into a more temperate zone
- 25 degrees is the mean temperature in Nairobi
- Nairobi became the headquarters of the East African Protectorate (EAP)
- then the railroad proceeded very quickly to Misumu
- and eventually ran the railroard around the lake right from Kenya to Uganda
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- decide to set up shop there in Kampala, Uganda
- the Baganda people were set up there, and the Kabaka (king of the Bagandas) had his residence there
- so the British set up their headquarters there, just near the Kabaka's palace
- the question - what do you do now with Uganda?
- most of the people in the north are cattle-herders
- and these herders move all along the north with their cattle
- one of the most renowned, the Karamoja people
- the north either nomadic cattlepeople, or occupied by "shifting agriculturalists"
- plant crops in one part, harvest it, and then move elsewhere to find new land to break
- the two shifting ag. communities are the Acholi, and the Langi
- so these are not traditional kingdoms
- with nomads and shifting cultivators, family and clan are the social institutions
- this made the north not very susceptible to economic development
- the shifting cultivators are very vulnerable to drought
- they're also not producing a very high output
- so no output for export in the north
- the cattlepeople - the karamoja - resist control
- nowadays, with modern weaponry, engage in cattleraiding with other tribes
- with machine guns
- often cattle wars between the karamoja and the pokot or tunkana peoples
- the wars get so intense over cows, that the Kenyan army won't go up there until after the war is finished
- in the south of uganda, people are very adept farmers
- fairly fertile land
- and good managers
- the Banyoro and others
- living on individual, dispersed farms
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- so at the start of the 1900s
- signing a treaty with the Bangandan king to make his leaders part of the colonial administration
- but what to do?
- the british governor of Uganda, Johnson decides that settler agriculture is a possibility
- goes to london and gives speeches encouraging people to come
- not well recieved
- Uganda is still somewhat malarial-infested, and the heat is worse than Nairobi
- so the governor convinces a few hundred rich Indian familes to come settle
- and gives them huge swaths of land for sugar plantations
- and the locals in the south weren't interested in working the land
- and so people were recruited from the north to work on these
- the north was again impoverished, so to speak, as many of their able-bodied young men are brought to the southern parts
- were previously impacted by the slave trade
- the sugar plantations weren't really very profitable, and didn't produce enough sugar for export
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- just as Britain was establishing control here, another conflict deepening
- in the 1880s
- first, from the church of England
- the Kabaka was very impressed with these missionaries
- were very deferential to him, and treated his court well
- so gave them some land for a mission centre
- with a church and a school
- and later, a secondary school
- you'll find these mission centres across the country
- mission centres, with residences for students to live in while going to secondary school
- the catholic church became anxious about the success of the church of england
- worried that the whole east of africa could be anglicized
- and the catholic church officials in portugese Mozambique were becoming very concerned
- requested by Rome, the French white fathers agreed to go to Uganda and set up mission settlements
- very well-funded by Rome
- even bigger! churches, more elaborate mission centres
- a competition for the hearts and souls of people in the south of Uganda
- the north was becoming more Islamic, from the influence of Sudan to the north
- and the movement of the people in the north made building churches and centres there unfeasible
- the catholic church became very popular in the south with the commoners
- created a distinction - the Bagandan elike were Anglican, while the commoners became Catholic
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- this competion led to a generation of Bagandan youth who could speak english well, and were subsequently coopted into the British administration
- so both the elites were involved in the administration, and especially the youth involved in lower levels of the admin.
- the churches created a social infrastructure in southern Uganda, and reduced the cost of colonial administration
- schooling, for example, funded entirely by missionaries
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- because these missions are so dispersed and substantial
- a single Anglican minister, while visiting back in England, asked for cotton plants that might be successful in tropical conditions
- came back with a number of cotton varieties
- right at the same time that the Civil War in the US shut down cotton exports to europe
- distributed cotton to peasants in south and central Uganda
- turns out it adapted very well
- and cotton became a huge industry
- so Uganda could become a crucial source of a very in-demand resource
- new hybrid seeds were developed in Europe to support this; a lot of excitement about Uganda finally
- and these seeds were distributed to chiefs, who would (often by force) get their peasants to plant and grow this cotton
- by 1939, cotton exports were generating huge revenue for Uganda
- a Uganda cotton marketing board was established
- which would fund farmers to buy seeds and fertilizers, and teach peasants how to produce
- these farmers would set aside an acre or two of their farm, and were very efficient producers
- outproduced - given the tropical conditions - the bailage of southern USA by 2 or 3 times
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- because cotton requires bulk to export, this was perfect for the railway
- a huge import-export trade focused on Uganda
- and it was the church of england missionaries who first had the initiative to bring cotton to Uganda
- and quite suddenly, for Britain, Uganda became a major economic resource
- so much revenue, by the 1930s, that the ugandan administration was bringing surplus funds to the british treasury
- a developing country funding the british treasury!
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- just near the end of the first world war, ugandan peasants noticed that europeans in Kenya were planting coffee
- and gradually, coffee was introduced on small farms
- so you'd have an acre or two of cotton, some for subsistence food, and another acre or two for coffee
- and by 1930, both were booming
- peasants were recieving very lucrative income
- saw a rapid transformation of ugandan society
- people were moving into off-farm economies
- transport companies, restaurants, etc.
- coffee and cotton were fueling Ugandan entrepreneurship and enterprise
- more and more technical training, secondary and primary schools, electricity and water, etc. were in demand
- the british couldn't turn aside from these demands, because the lancaster textile mills required their cotton
- an example of a very successful peasant economy in a colony
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- the same dilemma in Kenya as Uganda
- in uganda, the missionaries solved the problem
- but what to do in Kenya? what kind of economic base
- a coincidence of events
- arthur hardinge had served from roughly 1892 to 1900
- either the british rep. at the court in Zanzibar, or in mombasa seeing initial construction of the railway, or in nairobi setting up initial administration for this protectorate
- and retired from the civil service in 1900
- the british decided that someone who was "dynamic" or aggressive was needed here
- Hardinge was very efficient and a great manager, but self-spoken
- very good with the sultan; very patient and deferential
- but not a man of vision
- ( something much like Stephane Dion - soft-spoken, intellectual, very nice person - but not dynamic or a leader of people )
- Sir Charles Elliot is chosen to be the new governor of the EAP - and becomes Kenya under Elliot's rule
- didn't like Mombasa, but was enormously impressed with Nairobi
- Hardinge lived in a hotel the whole time; but Elliot got an enormous colonial mansion built (at huge cost, 100 000 pounds)
- very impressed with the rift valley, virtually uninhabited too!
- so went to South Africa, and convinced some british people to come to Kenya
- and Elliot, Delamere and Rogan decide that Kenya is meant to be a white settler colony
- and the way to achieve this is through enormous advertising, through all of the dominion
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- Tuesday, October 27, 2009
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Colonial period (cont)
- 1. Kenya - the move to a settler based economy
- sir Charles Elliot introduced this, had a lot of support
- Lord Delmere
- and the Grogans family
- set up a settling area in the "White Highlands", in the Great Rift Valley
- fertile soil, 2 growing seasons
- felt it was relatively uninhabited
- indigenous people lived along the slopes of the valley
- but the base of the valley itself had no permanent settlements
- claimed by the Maasai and Samburu people, migrating pastoralists
- and so Elliot gave Delmere and the Grogans 999 year leases
- gave lord delmere 45 000 acres
- and the Grogans 90 000 acres
- the rest of the land was parcelled up into 1200 and 1400 acre areas, and given 99 year leases
- how to make this attractive to europeans?
- a huge advertising campaign
- to settle in this glorious African mirage, a fantastic opportunity
- run by the kenyan colonial govt and the british colonial office
- pretty successful
- 2500 european farmers, setting up just north of nairobi
- given large, fertile acreages
- kenyan govt promised the farms would be fully serviced in terms of water, electricity and road access
- and the european settler could count on the same health and education standards they expected back home
- quality schools and good teachers
- local hospitals would be constrcuted, to cater to the europeans' needs
- the centre of this european focus was a town called Nakuru, a lot of major services for europeans there
- and in the north part of the rift, Kitale and Eldoret became service centres
- and Kericho in the west
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- the next challenge - ensuring that the african peoples do not encroach on european land
- the european areas were labelled "scheduled areas"
- and the native areas "non-scheduled areas" or native (tribal) reserves
- so each ethnic community would have their own "zones of occupation"
- and made clear to them that these areas would be exclusively for their ethnic tribe
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- zones of occupation
- the coast - mijikenda people
- eastern province - kamba
- the central province - kikuyu
- the rift valley (along the slopes) - nandi, kipsigis, tuben
- southern province - maasai (who never accepted it anyway)
- western province - baluhya
- and northern province - luo
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- africans can no longer expand; boxed in
- and the idea that these provinces are now the exclusive domain of one tribe or the other
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- 4500 settler families there
- and then another 2500 arrive after WW2
- now, 7000 farms there
- one thing to provide schools, roads and hospitals
- but how to get them settled?
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- most of the europeans arriving
- decided they'd bring their own crops with them
- potatoes, wheat, barley, oats
- the soil in tropical africa is quite acidic; the rainwall comes in bursts, not in continuous periods
- short and long rain seasons, and then it stops
- a tricky situation to adjust to
- because when the rains come, a huge amount of water comes down quickly
- and these european crops were not really suited to either the soil acidity, the different rainfall pattern
- and brilliant sunshine all the time
- so settlers were having a very difficult time getting established
- only in the beginning of the 1920s that europeans realized their crops were not working well
- production shifted from the european crops to one traditional african crop
- maize, which adapts very well; particularly a white corn, the seed was imported from the US
- white maize did very well
- but also to cash crop agriculture
- the major one being coffee
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- coffee is very interesting
- you clear the land
- plant coffee bushes, usually in rows
- spacing is important
- because it depends on how you grow it
- if you fertilize it, the ideal spacing is different than if you aren't fertilizing it
- europeans liked to use fertilzer, and even watered their coffee plants
- 6 feet apart along the rows, and 5 feet apart between plants the other way
- needs to be planted at just the right time, compared to the start of the rainy season
- and need to fertilizer at just the right time too
- and need a lot of weeding
- when the bushes are 4 to 5 years of age, they finally come into bear
- and you need to trim them so they don't just become trees
- and if you're planting 100 acres of coffee, that's a lot of coffee bushes
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- so - it's extremely labour intensive for the first 4 years, and then after the 5th year you just need to harvest them and keep pruning them
- once a year, you have to harvest - and that's a very laborious process too, just for the brief harvest period
- you can't mechanize berry picking or coffee harvest
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- you can't expect the european settlers to do this
- so we need to convince young africans to work for the europeans
- getting young men to leave their reserves and go to the highlands and work as indentured labourers on these european farms
- sign a contract that assigns them to a particular european farmer for 2 to 3 years
- working at the wage rates specified by the european
- how do we get young male africans out of the reserves and into the highlands to do this?
- the first way is through coercion
- local chiefs will be instructed to recruit young men and put them on trucks to the white highlands to work on the farms
- anyone who was 12 or above and looked healthy and strong
- the settler on his part would provide basic housing for the workers
- you can still see these long skinny cinderblock houses; cement floor and corrugated roof
- were expected to live there, cook
- "impress" - forcibly bringing people into the area
- and expecting the chiefs to do this
- kenya is completely under hierarchal rule
- so where african males resist this labour, they are made to do so by force
- this did not last long
- had to do laborious work
- cook your own meals using bulk foods from the euorpean; not appetizing
- and very long hours
- so as soon as possible the africans would just run back to their reserves
- much "shrewder" solution
- introduced a hut tax
- for each hut that a family owned, would have to pay a tax on that hut
- almost every kenyan farm had a hut for the male, and then a hut for each wife and their kids
- and then another hut for cooking
- a single farm could easily have 5 huts
- designed to garner a great deal of revenue very quickly
- but the hut tax had to be paid in cash, not in kind
- many of the farms in the african reserves are basically subsistence farms
- and the only way you get an income is by getting a surplus
- and trading that in market centres
- so africans are being asked to pay this tax out of their subsistence surplus
- which they don't necessarily always have
- the second problem is that many african families use the subsistence surplus to acquire other goods in local markets - not through cash, but through barter
- a certain amount of maize, in exchange for say fuel or pots
- so how to get the cash to pay this tax?
- one or two ablebodied sons will go to the rift valley and work on the european farms
- and the cash they make will be sent back to the family to pay the hut tax
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- the hut tax was an effective source for labour, but wasn't enough to pay the expenses of the colonial administration
- so also introduced a "poll tax"
- a tax to pay for each person on the farm
- although there may only be 5 huts, you could easily have 18 people
- 18 heads to levy this tax on
-
- in 1901-1902, the hut and poll taxes introduced by elliot
- (only a year or two
- accounted for 4.5% of total govt expenditures
- by 1904-1905, once taxation replaced coercion to provide labour, provided 29%
- and by 1922-23, provided 96% of the govt expenditures!
-
- so you've reserved certain areas of land only for european settlement
- you'l be restricted to native reserves
- your sons will go work on these european farms
- in order to send money back to the family on the reserve
- so they could pay the taxes on their huts and the poll tax
- which in turn went to fund the colonial administration
- the benefits of which go largely to the settler
- schooling, water, infrastructure
- so by 1930, africans were subsidizing europeans
-
- the "sacrament of submission"
-
- finally, another cash crop was introduced
- west in the rift valley, enormous tea estates were introduced
- given to large multinational companies
- Brooke Bond, James Finlay & Sons
- (from 1935 or so on, 80% of the world's tea production was controlled by Brooke Bond)
- around Kericho in western kenya, 49 000 acres of tea plantations
- tea also requires intensive labour
- so a lot of indigenous africans moved to the kericho area to work on these plantations
-
- some europeans also started cattle herding
- you're putting cows in areas where there are wild game
- cattle are very easy targets for predators
- and this is kenya in the 1910s to 1930s
- don't forget the leopards!
- so even cattle is also labour intensive
- need high fences, and employing africans to patrol these
-
- these european ranchers - something like african ranchers? extremely politically conservative
- met a couple of them at a bar in kenya
- one had 5000 acres of land; one 2500 acres
- they'd like to kill all the darn leopards
- built 20-foot high fences around the ranch; they still get in
- escaris - guards - can't keep them out
- can lose up to 12 cows a night
-
- and a dairy industry
- kenyan milk exported throughout africa
- cheeses, etc.
- just around Nanyuki, an area with less acidic soil and wheat was successfully grown
-
-
- not only did you have to force africans to work on european farms
- they also didn't want competition from africans
- so africans weren't allowed to grow coffee, tea, or european beef and dairy cows
- "if we allow africans to grow coffee, the quality of kenyan coffee will decline"
- and they'll mix their african cattle with beef cattle from europe
- and they'll spread tropical diseases to our cattle
- so africans couldn't grow any of these lucrative cash crops
- they continued through the colonial period only able to pay the taxes through their subsistence surplus
- a tremendous disadvantage
-
- also had to deal with the asian community
- at the end of the railway construction in 1905, a number of asian workers who had built it decided they'd like to stay in Kenya
- total number of asians working on the railway at its peak in 1905
- was 6 725
- about 1/5 stayed, about 1344 (very approximate)
- but those who went back to India talked about it in their home state of Kerala
- so Indians from the subcontinent began migrating to Kenya
- so by 1911 there were 11 866
- by 1921, there's 21 800
- expanding not just through immigration but by natural growth
- and in 1948, 97 687
- and in 1962, just before independence: 176 613
- a very sizable community; outnumbered the europeans there
-
- not only did the africans had to be restricted to reserves, Elliot declared that asians would only be allowed to own land in urban settings
- and peri-urban setings; small towns or market centres
- weren't allowed to own rural land or farms
- couldn't make a living from agriculture
- so they become entrepreneurial
- open small shops and trade stores
- so this asian (East Indian) community becomes known as "the people of the shops"
- a swahili word - dukawallas
- an east indian community that converts itself from railway work to invest in small shops and trade stores
- using their last payouts from the railway to invest in these shops
-
- and a very clear social stratification has emerged
- the europeans at the top- colonial officials, followed by european farmers
- and then the east indian or asian shopkeeper
- and the african people at the bottom
-
- interestingly enough, many of these east indian entrepreneurs start out as very small shopkeepers
- most of the import-export business in nairobi was owned by european firms
- so the indian entrepreneurs would open up small stores in more remote areas
- as they built these up, they'd invest in bigger stores
- so much so that by the 1920s, they were moving out of these smaller centres and into Nairobi
- very profitable
- strong import-export businesses running, especially with their connections back to India
- and social connections in the community
- instead of bringing shirts and trousers from europe, they'd buy them all from indian factories and sell them in Kenya
- the whole trading and commercial sector was powered by these indian entrepreneurs
- and the indigenous africans were unable to compete or participate in this trade
- and by 1929 and the early 30s, "gujeratis" - extremely wealthy indian commerce people - moved to kenya to set up enormous businesses
-
- when the 1st and 2nd world wars finished, ex-soldiers were also encouraged to move to Kenya as settlers
-
- Tanganika - the german period
- or "British German Africa"
- the germans very excited; staking a claim to east africa
- but were disappointed once they saw it
- after you go inland, Tanganika is very dry and infertile
- not much there; just dry savannah
- good for migratory wild game, but poor in terms of resources
- only the fringes or ring around the edge of the country where the land was actually fertile
- so decided they'd first establish themselves in the coastal zone, and then worry about the rest of the territory
- so decided they'd try plantation agriculture
- encouraged german settlers to come
- give them large landholdings near the coast
- put in two kinds of plants
- sisal - a form of hemp, used in rope production
- nicely, the sisal doesn't require much care; grows quickly and doesn't require pruning, just harvesting
- and pineapple
- grew very well along the coast; acidic volcanic soil
- high rainfall and humidity
- grew very well
- between 1900 and 1912, these plantations were established
-
- with respect to the rest of the country, didn't want to erect a costly colonial administration
- so used a system of direct rule where they'd appoint chiefs, and have provincial administrators
- but not a large number of colonial officials like british rule
- up to the chiefs to maintain law and order, collect taxes and resolve conflict
- so the chiefs were given a lot of authroity on the ground
- and also as a result had some extra priveleges, the acquisition of land in particular parts of the colony
- the german provincial officials would really only get out now and then and observe the chiefs; no day to day control
- used big meetings, barazas, to inform the african people about new rules and regulations
- and turn to the senior chiefs and say, it's up to you to implement these new rules and laws
- but these chiefs didn't have much local standing
- wasn't an existing social hierarchy in Tanganika as existed in other places
-
- but then comes WW1, and as part of the reparations, the Germans lose Tangankia (under the treaty of versailles)
- under the new League of Nations, and Tanganika becomes a "mandated territory"
- the league now has an interest in how this territory will be administered
- the decision is taken to give the mandate - day to day administration of the colony - to the british
- because they're after all in kenya and uganda nearby
-
- so from 1920 on, Britain ruled as the colonial administrator of Tanganika
- but without total control over the territory
-
- then WW2 came along, and at the end of the war the United Nations was created
- what to do with Tanganika post WW2?
- the UN established a "trusteeship council" which would oversee the administration of "trust territories", the replacement for mandates
- and Britain again became the administrative power for Tanganika
- but wasn't under British control in the same way that Kenya and Uganda were
- controlled in a more general interest; supervised by the UN
- power was more circumscribed
-
- but because the germans didn't have enough time to entrench white settlement, when the british took over, many of the german settlers were considered questionable characters
- so did everything they could to discourage the germans from staying
- so by 1925 just a handful of settlers left
- and the plantations given over to the local African people
- and they became economic engines for the local tribes
-
-
-
- Thursday, October 29, 2009
-
- Tanganika - under the british
- as a mandated territory, since the germans lost WW1
- their colonial possessions were taken over by the allied powers
- became a mandate under the league of nations
- and britain named as the administrative power
- when britain took over, part of the takeover involved the decision by a number of german settlers to leave the territory
- without german authority, these settlers felt very ill at ease
- and the british redistributed the plantations along traditional african land claimants
- some of the plantations were subdivided into small farms
- but some communities decided to maintain the plantations as a communal entreprise
- encouraged to set up cooperatives to run the plantation
- ended up being a very lucrative decision for their people
- only about 3 or 4 german families remained
- but some who left their plantations set themselves up on Zanzibar, setting up tourist lodging on the north of the island
- for administration
- the british looked to their example from the north (Kenya) of direct rule
- governor > regional commissioner > district commissioner > divisions (district office) > chiefs
- for some of the african communities in the country, they didn't have a traditional hierarchal system
- so the british simply selected individuals to be chiefs
- compliant individuals
- often successful farmers
- and/or fluent in English
- people who had gone to the missionary schools set up from 1890
- all the positions above chief were members of the british civil service
- the other notable thing about the country was its ethnic diversity
- more than 120 different ethnic groups
- each having a different linguistic dialect
- and all laid claim to specific ancestral lands
- almost all of them did settled agriculture
- not pastoralists
- except the Maasai, who considered both tanzania and kenya to be their traditional herding grounds
- given the inhabilality of the central part of the country
- most of the population lives on the periphery of the country
- a lot by Dar es Salaam near the coast
- the other problem with the centre of the country, is it's inhabited by the tse tse fly, which carries sleeping sickness
- some african communities having a natural immunity, but not all
-
- the british constructed road to try to bring the country together
- a railroad up to kenya
- and a major road going town to Zambia
- and another road going down the coast
- they based the colonial economy on peasant agriculture
- the settler approach was abandoned
- and small-scale peasant agriculture was encouraged
- coffee was introduced on the slopes of the Kilimajaro, and aroun a centre further south called Mbeya
- cotton was very well suited to western Tanganika, along the shores of lake victoria
- humid and warm and consistent rainfall, but hot sunny days
- amongst the Sukuma people
- there was also some mineral wealth in the centre of the country
- but not as much as you might expect
- some gold, some diamonds, lot a lot
- but "tanzanite" became a major export after independence (used in jewelery)
- but these days seems to have petered out
- the whole economy was based on agricultural exports
-
- but in the run up to independence in 1950s, also established major national parks
- Tanzania is blessed with magnicent wildlife
- opened up a tourism market
- the Serengeti, where you can watch wildebeest migtartions
- post-independence, built a major international airport at Airusha, just on the slopes of the kilimanjaro
- and Ngorongoro
- the crater of an inactive volcano, 30 miles across
- very lush vegetation at the base of this crater
- a natural game park, and huge tourist attraction
- built fantastic hotels along the rim of the crater
- and the Kilimanjaro itself, people keen on climbing it
- largest mountain in africa
- and the largest free-standing mountain in the world
- snow-covered
- you can see the great rift valley, the indian ocean and zanzibar, and lake victoria and the nile to the other side
- japanese tourists motorbiked to the top
- clearly not a difficult climb!
- but more of a test of endurance
- but the air is very limited at the top, some people get altitude sickness
- tourism is now a bigger industry than coffee and cotton production
- lots of advertising in europe
- a huge draw
-
African Nationalism
- The Rise of the Challenge to Colonial Rule
-
- a number of important authors here
- James Coleman, the founder and director of the African Studies Centre at UCLA
- Thomas Hodgin, founder of the school of oriental and african studies in London
- wrote "Nationalism in Colonial Africa"
- Stephane Bernard
- "The Franco-Moroccan Conflict"
- considered to be by far the strongest study of african nationalism
-
- a lot of people would suggest that african nationalism was an effort to introduce a modern nation-state under indigenous rule
- seen to be (by many Africans) as a post-tribal, post-peasant community
- with a clear territorial boundary
- and independent status - African people would have their own sovereignty
-
- most of the early work suggests a number of motivations for nationalist sentiment, or different elements of resisitance to colonial authority
- (sometimes occuring at different times, and not necessarily in tandem)
-
- 1. traditionalist movements
- the primary resisitance to european intrusion, very early on in the imposition of colonial authority
- often violent
- and could have almost a magic or religious characteristic to it
- where local, traditional religious figures would see this foreign (white) stranger as the devil coming among us
- strongly drew on the concept of unity among a people
- traditional methods of resisiting the foreigner
- oathing ceremonies, where people will gather, and make sacrifices
- perhaps drinking the blood of a goat together, and making an oath to be one against the foreigner
- often, colonial officials would have to bring in forces from outside to deal with this traditional resistance
- eg the Maji Maji revolt, 1903 - 1905
- a community which took up traditional weapons and fought against the german settlers, going close to Dar es Salaam
- eg the Nandi people (in kenya?)
- and these traditional movements become symbols of hope, and tremendous stories are told about the heroic efforts undertaken
- a symbol of hope and mythology
- inspires later resistance
-
- 2. syncretistic movements
- somewhat later in the 30s
- a reaction against colonial mission societies and the work of colonial missionaries
- against the "missionary intrusion"
- not so much a thought process that says the christian faith itself is flawed, but rather - should not africans establish their own churches?
- independent of these european missionaries
- people that generally accepted christianity or the islam faith, but wanted their own independent, indigenous religious movements
- on a religious dimension, suggesting that there's a level of equality of humankind (eg in the christian faith) and the hierarchy of the colonial situation is then clearly flawed
- in their readings of the bible, there aren't the differentiations of people on race that they see in daily life
- the syncretistic movments as an urge for equality
- why should the african be put in a subjugated position; how come only white missionaries can interpret the bible (or koran)?
-
- but also, tribal associations (formed in the 20s and 30s)
- where specific ethnic communities form their own organizations to fight for their rights against the colonial administration
- not only to challenge colonialism on issues like land, traditional ceremonies and dress, religion, etc
- but also formed to promote economic associations
- to bring people together and pool savings for economic advance
-
- 3. the nationalist movement itself
- (in the early phase)
- the first turn to forming political organizations
- we're looking on a broader plane here
- the first stage of a political awakening that cuts across ethnic communities and racial divides
- pan-racial and pan-ethic
- seeking to mobilize people on a colony-wide basis
- not restricted to a particular region of the country or ethnic group
- these early political associations are not really tightly organized, but they're bringing together people from diverse communities to challenge colonial authority
- how to overcome the language barrier?
- the missionary schools have been around for some time now; this allows language-diverse people to communicate
-
- 4. modernist movements
- arise because of the impact of a capitalist system
- as this money system takes root and as indigenous people are incorporated into it, we begin to see new associations being established
- one of the most obvious ones, is the beginning of organized labour
- esp. in the 1930s and 40s, trade unions organizing workers
- wage labour is now being encouraged to band together and press for better working conditions and wages
- some of these unions become extraordinarily powerful
- for example, workers along the coast in major ports forming dockworkers' unions
- if they go on strike, can shut down the whole import-export trade
- plantation workers' unions
- esp. in settler-based economies
- mine workers forming unions
- and teachers' associations
- an influential force in local communities, since teachers are looked up to
- intermediaries between local people and colonial authorities, because teachers know how to communicate effectively (language, knowing forms, etc.) with the colonial officials
-
- and also, those who have been immersed in the colonial administration
- civil service organizations made up of indigenous people
- a "glass ceiling" above which indigenous people couldn't breach, but esp. by the 40s, a lot of native civil servants
-
- and these unions or organizations open up peoples' minds - there's something beyond the village, beyond the tribe
- connecting people across ethnic boundaries
-
- 5. and finally, the full-blown nationalist movement itself
- reaches maturity shortly after world war 2
- out of the early phase of political awakening, and into the mature phase
- what's striking here, is we're turning to the use of the political party as a major instrument to bring people together in a common cause
- political party formation is critical
- indigenous leaders turn to the west for examples of how to energize and motivate people into politics
- and a party platform, symbol, flag, anthem etc. is what's chosen
- and the appearance of a highly-educated, nationalist-oriented leadership
- educated and inspired leadership emerges
- many of these individuals are those who were educated at mission primary schools in the 1920s, then went to secondary school education in the late 20s or early 30s, and were then sent overseas to study abroad in the UK or US
- and recieved diplomas from western universities
- and have now had life experience in the west
- in UK, US, france germany or portugal
- and much more aware of western culture and those ways of thought
- and also inspired by the liberal democratic model they've been exposed to
- where people have a universal franchise, the right to vote
- the right to run for office
- basic human and civil rights
- speech, assembly and association
- and have read Hobbes, Locke, Rousseau, etc.
- with this liberal arts education, eager to return home and challenge colonial authoirty
- and create an independent sovereign authority
-
- and the impact of returning ex-soldiers
- usually understated, the effects of WW2
- many africans were recruited in the british army
- to serve in europe
- some had been recruited in WW1, but not to the same degree
- there were large african contingents in the british army
- and having spent time fighting with the allied forces, are now returning to africa
- and they now have a much more impatient attitude about colonial change
- had seen many of their compatriots die, fighting for freedom in europe
- now very impatient group, hoping to see freedom in their country too
- going back to their small villages
- talking about how in europe, you're free to live anywhere
- considered an equal
- engaged, and sensitized to the struggle against oppression
- and told, when they were fighting in europe, all about the Axis powers and their authoritarian oppression
- must turf out these oppressive regimes! and fight for freedom!
- and then go home and see the same form of oppression right there
- become major actors in the nationalist movements, and easy fodder for nationalist political parties
-
- 6. Pan-Africanism, or the pan-african movement
- some african intellectuals (admittedly few), esp. west african scholars who are now leaders of thought
- are articulating a different vision for africa
- instead of allowing africa to continue to be balkanized along colonial divisions
- subdivided on a map, in europe!
- some scholars were suggesting we should press for an independence that doesn't follow the european map for africa
- africa is africa - could be so much stronger or powerful, african culture could be so much more institutionalized, if we act together*
- a vision of a united africa
- included political leaders like
- Leopold Sengor (of Senegal)
- Kwame Nkrumah
- and Julius Nyerere
- suggested at one point delaying independence to allow a more united pan-africanism to form
- and academics
- du Bois
- Garvey
- colonial boundaries as being designed to oppress africa
-
- very popular in the mid 1950s and 1960s
- the nationalist movements often grew into pan-africanist movements
- the formation of the Organization of African States; has since folded and was reformed as the African Union (the AU)
- has a peacekeeping force in Darfur, for example
-
- next week tuesday and thursday, guest lecturer on coops in china
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- Tuesday, November 03, 2009
-
- Guest Lecture on cooperatives - Jun Zhao
-
- 1. challenges/problems faced by rural peoples
- 2. solutions
- 3. the potential roles of cooperatives
-
-
- Challenges faced by rural peoples
- what are some of the differences between dev. & developing nations?
- infrastucture
- standard of living
- there is a huge gap between the urban and rural; a gap between the rich and the poor in the rural areas
- usually, up to 75% of people in developing nations are the rural ppor
-
- a small farmer may hold 0.5 hectares/family
- due to
- industrialization
- globalization
- and modernizatoin
- what do these mean for small farmers?
- in the past, saved seed for the next cropping year
- using animal manure for fertilizer
- on-the-spot market; perhaps 20km away, use a cart to bring products to market
-
- after the introduction of hybrid seed, need to switch to chemical fertilizers
- and need to sell through a contract; or perhaps the agricultural production company will even want to own the land
- the result: a loss of control on the part of small farmer
- and subsequently their income has decreased
- and market power is lowered as well
- can't bargain with other players anymore
-
- globalization is another issue for small farmers
- need to compete with farmers from around the world
-
- and modernization
- educated people are moving out of the rural areas and into the cities
- and as a result the rural areas are becoming more impoverished
-
- and a loss of government sovereignty
- to international organizations (the WTO, etc.)
- or meeting IMF requirements by cutting down expenditures on public services - school, healthcare, government services
- so the services provided to the rural areas especially are scaled back
- agriculture extension services - very important to small farmers
- but cut back by cuts to govt spending
-
- market failure
- farmers lose control of production, and of selling
- usually, only one buyer of agricultural products in a given area - a "monopsoly"
- and govt failure
- cutting back on public services
- and a lack of accountability and transparency in local govt
- public dollars spent on patronage
-
- shallow markets; china, for example, depending heavily on exports
- to overcome this, need to get your (local) rural poor to buy more things
-
- Solutions
- Top-down
- eg, the World Bank, working with national ministries
- often, proposing concepts to the world bank
- specific projects to benefit specific areas
- eg, the red soil improvement project in 5 chinese provinces
- government invests, attracts WB attention, will send a "project identification mission"
- goes to the field, discusses with local and provincial govt
- produces a report to submit to WB management
- if okayed, goes to a "project pre-appraisal mission"
- usually includes a number of specialists
- finanacial
- agricultural
- rural devp
- project management specialist
- collects data, prepare own report
- this report will later be aggregated into a mission report
- and then appraisal
- going through the bureaucratic analysis
- IRR, CRR
- a common procedure for any development bank
- negotiations
- loan and project agreements
- how each component of the project will be organized, and where money will be distributed
- resources
- funding extension workers
- hiring consultants
- implementation
- usually will send analysts semi-annually to see how things are going
- guiding implementation with a project "bible" consisting of all the specifications and agreements of the project
-
- what are the problems with a top-down approach like this?
- lack of participation of small farmers
- no input into decisionmaking that affects their lives a lot
- no sense of ownership or membership in the project
- lack of transparency
- no way to hold local govt accountable
- non-responsive to farmers' needs
- given the huge scale of loans and projects
- often 8 years between start (of pre-appraisal) and finish (of implementation)
- the design of the project may depend on outside circumstances that change over these 8 years
- and so by time its implemented, of very little help to farmers
-
- the problems of farmers are not addressed properly
-
- Potential role of cooperatives
- Bottom-up solutions
- ( co-ops in Saskatoon are consumer co-ops )
- and producer coops
- the ICA - international association of coops
- their definition: "a coop is an autonomous association of persons united voluntarily to meet common, economic, social and cultural needs through jointly-owned and democratically-controlled entreprises"
-
- differences between coops and investor-owned firms?
- controlled by users; personal association of persons
- IOF users and shareholders will both be taxed
- with coops in most countries, just taxed once
- USDA definition:
- "owned, used, and controlled by users"
- also, importance of voluntary uniting
- in the 60s, people in DCs were often forced to join government-organized coops
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- 7 principles of co-ops
- 1. voluntary and open membership
- cannot force people to join your coop
- but again in 1960s, govts would force people into coops by confiscating their means of production
- can't really call those coops by the official ICA definition
- or, in Mongolia, observed coops with closed membership
- requiring a certain amount of resources or connections before becoming a member
- and only a small number of community members can benefit from this organization
- 2. democratic member control
- should be controlled by members in a democratic way
- not based on contributions or donations of capital
- leaders (board of directors) are elected by the members via one member-one vote
- 3. member economic participation
- capital contribution; ideally, each member will make equal capital contributions
- important in maintaining a democratic control
- if one person is contributing 80% of the coop's capital, less inclined to equal member control
- and in terms of the shares or use of services
- also equality or proportionality
- 4. autonomy and independent
- from govt or local officials
- the history of coop development, suggests that coops were used as a tool of modernization and industrialization rather than a self-help group
- ideally, should act in the best interests of members, not of the govt
- 5. education and training information
- coops should provide training to its members
- these principles are linked in a way
- you want members to have democratic control, but if the members are lacking literacy or numeracy, this is very difficult
- if your members can't read and write, how can they hold the management of the coop accountable?
- so education is crucial for members to be able to exercise their democratic rights
- information is very important - should be provided to members in a transparent way
- management not sharing information with members is often an issue
- often, will share with core members of the coop, but not the general membership
- this happens in developed countries as well - management has their own interests which might not be the same as the interests of the coop or company itself
- 6. cooperation among coops
- cooperatives cooperate :)
- usually, community-based organizations
- people know each other
- important to build trust (one of the most important assets of the coop)
- if you trust each other, business and transactions will be much more effective
- reduces the transaction cost
- usually, the scale of operations is quite small - you don't have much market power
- and by working together, coops can increase their market power and get better terms of trade
- 7. concern for the community
- most of the members come from the community
- so should care about their own community
- and ideally would be a profitable entreprise, contributing back to the community
-
- nature of coops
- who owns them? who controls them?
-
- why are coops a solution to the issues facing rural poor?
- unique economic purpose
- 1 economies of scale
- when buying supplies for all the members together, get a lower unit cost
- 2 added value
- through processing or marketing
- previously, farmers couldn't control any of the terms of trade
- now, working with the traders
- the coop can run a booth in a market; direct selling
- or opening up a processing centre; more value add
- 3 providing previously missing services
- 4 assuring supply on market
- for people isolated from the market
- eg long distances and bad roads
- you don't know when or if purchasers will come; a lot of uncertainty
- but the coop takes over this role of supplying and transporting (and sometimes processing)
- you're assured of a market for your products (to the coop)
- and that gives a lot more certainty
- with rural agriculture - a lot of sunk costs; already bought the seed and plowed it into your field
- when a trader comes, you need to sell your products at any cost
- but with a coop, assured of a market (and usually a better or more reliable price)
- 5 supply coordination
- in a given area, usually all of the agricultural products are ready at the same time; this peak of supply allows traders to buy at lower prices
- with a coop, opportunity to pool resources, build storage, and sell over a longer period of time, keeping prices to farmers higher
- 6 yardstick?
- when dealing with a single buyer (say single agriprocessor), coops are an advantage
- also, coops ideally are running at cost; providing an opportunity for their members to increase profits, but not looking at profits as an organization like a middle-man company
-
- also, political influence - has an influence on local and upwards government on a larger scale than individuals
- also, a "school of democracy" - learning by seeing and participating in the governance of the coop
- can apply the knowledge learned here to participating in government
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- Tuesday, November 10, 2009
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- absent; need notes!
- resistance movements?
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- Thursday, November 12, 2009
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Mass vs. Patron Political parties
- not based on
- social origins
- colonial history
- nor regions
- this distinction can be applied in africa, SE asia, central and latin america
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- scale of the party
-
- 2 basic questions
- 1. how are national political leaders related to the rest of the population?
- (relationship between national leadership and the "citizenry" or common people, the peasantry in agriculturally-based countries, or in activist terms, the grassroots)
- ( classic swahili term, mwananchi - the ordinary Kenyan, or wananchi, the ordinary people )
- 2. what is the nature of the groups and the structures on which the parties are based?
- going back to the original question
- mass-based political parties seek the widest possible membership
- so during the nationalist challenge to colonial rule, the more members one could recruit to the mass party, the better
- wide membership = strength
- the more people you can bring in, the greater the strength of the party
- political weight - the party becomes significant in challenging col. rule, the greater its rate of participation
- gives it a high degree of legitimacy - can speak for the ordinary people, the mass of the population
- party leaders are portraying themselves as being close to the people
- claim they speak for the people
-
- so, how do we give this claim substance?
- ...by answering the second question, the structures on which the party is based
-
- Structuring a mass party:
- at the top, the national leadership
- below that, the "national executive committee", NEC (sometimes, national executive council)
- usually, an elected body, for terms of 2 years
- over to the side a bit, you'll have the "national convention"
- also an elected body, also meets every two years
- composed of party delegates from different party branches across the country
- over to the other side at the same level, a series of offices in the party structure
- officials reporting to the NEC
- eg, the secretary general of the party, the party treasurer, sometimes a vice-president of the party
- these usually have a longer tenure than the NEC - usually, 6-year periods
-
- below the national convention, you'll have regional committees or conventions
- an elected committee, also for 2-year terms
- and then at the district level, you'll have the "party branch"
- emcompasses both a branch committee,
- and branch officers who are elected
- and at the very lowest level, the constituency level office
- each parliamentary constituency has a branch
- this is going to be an elected body, by the membership
-
- and finally, the party membership
- those among the common people who decide to buy a party membership
-
- and at the bottom, the "grassroots", the common people
-
- ( terms differed somewhat from party to party, but same idea )
-
- usually, a very token charge to become a member (Uganda examples: 10 shillings to become a member, 14 cents CDN)
- but those elected as an official, often have a higher membership fee - a surcharge (500 shillings, 7 dollars)
- those officials which want to stand as candidates for office using the party label, eg for local govt council or to become a member of parliament, will have to pay a "candidature fee" or "contestation fee" to the party (1000 shillings, $14.50)
- another source of income for the party
- if 3 or 4 people want to contest for the constituency nomination, they all have to pay a fee even if they aren't successful at being nominated
- can be a significant fee
- those who are succesful at elections and become MPs, will also have to pay a more substantial fee
- and often required to pay a life membership to the party (10000 shillings, $145)
-
- (the average annual wage in uganda at this time - 1960s multi party rule - was $325, so fairly significant amounts of money)
-
- is a representative structure; a method for choosing delegates all the way up to the national convention
- and the national leadership will be chosen at the national convention
- and the elected leader becomes the chair of the NEC, the delegates of which are also elected by the national convention
- very democratic
- but this requires a lot of resources
-
- so:
- widest possible membership
- leaders claim to speak for the people
- and finally:
- a lot of resources and commitment are needed to keep the mass party going
- and maintain its political strength
- requires offices at every level - right at the district to regional to national
- renting offices, hiring secretaries; phones and computers, etc.
- constant cycle of elections and conventions
- needed to maintain the credibility of the mass party
-
-
- Structure of a Patron Party:
- very different structure and priorities
-
- from the common people up, clusters of people who identify with people of note
- people who follow a particular individual from their community
- a "local notable" - a person who has political and leadership weight in the community
- a natural leader from within
- in the nationalist period, someone who's done well and is educated - perhaps, completed part of secondary school
- articulate and speak well
- opinion leaders - with their education, able to interpret what's happening outside the village for people there
- or someone who is a very sucessful, wealthy farmer
- they've done well with cash-crop agriculture
- has nice coffee bushes, perhaps
- or someone who's gone beyond farming; bought a pickup truck and runs a transport business or a shop
- or a restaurant, bar or hotel
- and is doing well
- this local notable acts as an intermediary between the common people and govt officials
- ( tether example - people attach themselves to the local notable )
- if i show loyalty to this person, support them in the community as a genuine leader, then he or she will be helpful to me
- ( can assist with say filling out new govt forms, resolving land disputes between a community member and the govt, etc. )
- the local notable has no office or official position, but just has community connections
- people will support the LN, and get support from the LN when needed
- sometimes a few LNs in a given community
- disavowing their own notability is part of the game; they'll deny they're that important
-
- work of a genius, Carl Lande
- the LN is a patron; their supporters are clients
-
- in any electoral contest, the client will show loyalty and support to the patron
- be their constituency of support within the community - will always vote for him or her
- the traditional principle of reciprocal obligations
- supporting them because we know full well they'll support us in the future
- put into the political arena in the patron party
- has the unswerving support of this client group for as long as they want to participate in politics
- but also knows they have to support the interests and needs of the client group in return
- so the notable will contribute their resources, time, energy and skill to their client groups
-
- taken this traditional relationship of reciprocal obligations, and brought it into the political system
- often depends on face-to-face relations
- walk into any hotel or restaurant in nairobi; someone is going to come into the restaurant with a business suit and briefcase
- accompanying them is a trail of 3 or 4 people behind them - dressed nicely but not in suits, and looking a bit confused
- not familiar territory; stay close to the person with the briefcase
- almost always, the big person's chair is the central focus of the table
- this is the patron; the others are the clients
- have lunch or tea, and talk about what the clients need
- and often, a second patron will come in with a following of their own - they'll go to the table and shake hands with the other patron
- as everyone else in awe at the importance of both of them
- Carl Lande found this central to politics in indonesia, going all the way up
-
- these local notables are competitors - how do they advance their careers at the regional level?
- over time, may be say 3 patrons at the regional level
- acknoledged leaders; have bubbled up from below
- have been elected to local councils, then been elected as members of regional assemblies and continuously showed strength
- have been able to establish themselves in the regional level
- usually not from the farming community at all; usually fairly well-off in the business field
- politically successful
- local notables are clients of these regional patrons
- the same structure exists a level up
- the LNs provide loyalty and support to the regional patron, and the patron will ensure that their interests are taken care of
- which allows the LNs to divert resources back to their client groups
- cross-cutting nature
- not every competing local patron will attach themselves to the same regional patron - in fact, good chance they wont
- because they won't want to be attached to the same regional patron
- so again, accumulating clusters of support from below
-
- up to the national level:
- now, people who have established themselves through elections, first to the legislative council (created by the colonial govt)
- but when the council became elected in the 1950s, succesful at becoming elected
- have gained exposure
- to remain effective at the national level, need to maintain involvement at the regional and local levels
- the poltiical titans competing at the national arena, will want to recruit patrons from below into their camp
- so regional patrons become clients of political titans, at the same time as being patrons to LNs
-
- completely informal; no structures to it
- but relatoinships of dependence here
- informal structure of dependency
- rely on their clients, who rely on their own clients, all the way up and down
- the clients providing political support to the patrons
- and the patrons providing services or assistance to the clients
-
- very much tied to reciprocal obligations, and face-to-face relationships
-
- suppose that in this political party, based on patron-client relationships
- competing for inflence, but really cooperating against political titans from other political powers
- what happens if one of these titans defects?
- in a mass party, not very catastrophic if someone from the NEC defects - just choose a replacement at the next convention
- a party of structure
- hierarchy and representativeness
- in a patron party, if a regional patron or leader defects, is very significant
- because all of their client supporters - and their clients' supporters - will come with them
- based on personal relationships, not party or ideological loyalty
- much more unstable
- a party of networks
- a lot of wrangling, deals, etc. required to keep the party together
- skillful bargaining and conciliation required
- constantly feeding the network of support
- a lot of energy time and resources required to keep it going
- fraught with division, since you have people competing for personal influence at every level
- compared to a mass party which includes a lot more cooperation
-
- nepotism and corruption can be found anywhere, but these two types of parties are distinctive; not really blending between them
- although at times a closed patron party will claim to be a mass party
- people aren't easily fooled by this
-
-
-
- Tuesday, November 17, 2009
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- Mass and patron parties, con't
- a. conceptual distinctions
- b. tanzania case
-
- mass parties
- all-inclusive
- mass mobilization
- carefully orchestrated hierarchichal structure
- emphasize high rates of participation
- embracing and engaging the "wananchi" - common people
-
- patron parties
- highly elitist in nature
- not mass mobilization
- informal relationships
- emphasize face-to-face interaction
- instead of being participatory, rely strongly on network of patron-client relations
- deference
- those in the client supporter group (who show tremendous loyalty to patrons above them) expect, at key points in time, a range of benefits
- but there is also the idea of deference itself - those who are strong are somehow above us and deserve our respect
- if you're not being deferential, you're abusing people - pushing in where you're not wanted; being too assertive
- abuse with slightly different connotations than here
- treating people well - and not being too assertive - is really important
- suppose you're backpacking in malawi, and in difficulty; someone has accosted you? saying loudly "why are you abusing me!" people will gather around and listen and get ugly and surly - the other person will suddenly be on the defensive
- especially works well with police officers - ask for their identification number
-
- in the patron power, leaders have a bit of un-approachability or aloofness
- stand a bit apart from the common people
-
- in mass parties
- there will be youth wings, women's groups, etc.
- there will be a party newsletter, produced in local dialects
- party banners, and defining party colours - showing the party is here
- drawing on tradition - might be party songs, to use at party assemblies
- colourful t-shirts, in the party's colour
- ( aside on JS's Pangu Pati t-shirt )
-
- The Tanzania Case
- originally Tanganika, under both the germans and the british
- unusual for an east african colony, wasn't a particularly sought after territory
- sparse in minieral resources; most people living on the periphery of the country
- uninhabited centre
- wasn't an attractive colonial possession
- after the Germans lost WW1, the british took over
- a mandated territory under the league of nations
- following WW2, was again turned over to the british as a trust territory of the united nations
- still not considered a prime colonial possession
-
- practiced a system of direct rule
- ruled by chiefs and subchiefs
- overseen by british colonial officers
- british officers maintained law and order, did development, resolved land disputes down to the district level
- governor -> regional commissioners -> district commissioners -> district officers -> chiefs
- somewhat expatriate-heavy administration
-
- however, transitioned quite smoothly to independent rule
- only a breathtaking 7 years between the formation of the mass party and independence (1954 - 1961)
- largely peaceful
-
- how did this occur so smoothly?
- 1. trust territory under the UN
- gave the african population certain advantages
- 2. mass party
- 3. extraordinarily capable political leadership
- very high quality, within the nationalist movement
- everyone can see this in retrospect
- 4. social cohesion of the country
- among the african population
-
- in 1946, trusteeship agreement was signed between the UN secretary general and the prime minister of britain
- signed the same day by the UNGA in new york
- not only did this name Great Britian as the administrating power
- it also laid down a number of regulations that britain must follow
- one of these regulations, article 3 (of the agreement)
- under article 3, provisions are made for the UN to send special visiting missions of experts
- the right to send visiting missions
- to the territory to evaluate british rule, and to stay in touch with african opinion
- how is the territory being administered, and what is the effect on the people?
- missions every 2 or 4 years
- and article 16 - every year, Britian is required to send a report to the UN
- which is considered by the UN trusteeship council, the supervisory body for trustee territories
- if the council felt that any british policies were too harsh or restrictive, could communicate that to the trusteeship administrator country, and expect them to change the policy
- residents of the country could also submit their own considerations to the trusteeship council
- two effects:
- 1. the trusteeship status is a very near and close constraint on british policy
- this UN oversight
- the british could not engage in the same set of colonial practices in Tanganika that they may have utilized elsewhere
- playing ethnic groups off against each other - deliberately fostering divisions in ethnic communities (divide-and-rule) - were not available in Tanganika because of this supervision
- (made it more difficult to repress the nationalist movement)
- 2. a voice for African opinion at this trusteeship council
- in this situation, the indigenous people had the chance to speak out
- both to visiting missions, every 2 years
- and to send a delegate to the UN in new york to present their case
-
- the mass political party
- in 1929, the first semblance of organized opinion among concerned africans arose, with the creation of the "TAA"
- the Tanganika African Association
- an attempt to, in a sense, unionize African colonial civil servants
- saw themselves being victims of low salaries, often found themselves confronting a "glass ceiling" within the civil service, above which they couldn't be promoted
- compared to expatriate civil servants, as well as east indian civil servants working there
- and a question about benefits - most european officials had housing provided, for example, or housing allowances
- whereas equivalent african civil servants were given nothing
- the TAA was a counterpoint to racial discrimination in the civil service
-
- was quiet during the war (unifying for the war, etc.)
- but in 1946, regrouped
- annual meeting in 1953 - very important
- because the tenure of the existing leadership had lapsed
- the old leadership, which had set up the organization in the 1920s, were at the end of another 5 year term in office
- post WW2, was a much younger group of African civil servants, recruited as part of the war effort
- anxious about the lack of progress on any of these fronts
- salaries, promotions and housings
- still stuck in the 1920s
- many of these younger servants made a special effort to attend this TAA meeting and vote in a more dynamic leadership
- thought the old leadership collaborated too much with the colonial admin - elitist - collaborators, never rocked the boat or challenged colonial power
- members of this new group - highly educated - much more assertive - voted into power
-
- up until this time, most of those elected to the leadership, were public servants working in the capital, dar es Salaam
- old leadership was all urban based
- the new leadership was much more regionally balanced
-
- aside: you put someone new into a position of authority, and their personality changes
- you thought you were putting in a conciliatory, moderate person? and then once they're in and have power - they're totally different!
- Philip Selznick - "unanticipated consequences of change"
- particularly interesting when you change leaders
-
- in 1954, the very next year, the decision is taken - through policy groups at the next TAA convention - to roll the TAA into becoming a political party
- TANU - the Tanganika African National Union
- its leadership is essentially drawn from the TAA
- these new, younger leaders
- who suggested that no meaningful change would occur unless Africans organized politically
- quiet negotiations didn't work with the colonial adinistration
- resolves that TANU will seek to mobilize african opinion behind a single demand (at the outset)
- uhuru - Swahili for freedom
- a political party that from the outset, will be pushing for African majority leadership and independnece
- the leadership at the time would have preferred a patron party - were planning to construct an elitist party
- as the word went out that this new political instrument existed,
- party branches sprung up spontaneously around the country
- as if people were waiting for this moment
- a huge surge of popular support for this party
- so the leaders were quickly forced to reconfigure their ideas
- agreed among themselves to use the party to mobilize mass participation
- with the branches springing up everywhere, chose to sell memberships and have duly elected leadership around the country
- almost spontaneously, the emergence of a mass political party
- with only some direction from the leadership afterwards
- organized leadership down to the very bottom
- a "party cell" - composed of 10 households
- each cell would send a delegate to a local meeting, to elect local officials
- treasurer, secretary, etc. -
- wasn't just an urban party; had branches everywhere
-
- very quickly, became a base by which ordinary tanzanians could engage in politics
- how significant was this party?
- by 1961, out of a total population of 6 million - where half the population is 15 years of age or younger (and party memberships were only sold to those 18 years of age or older)
- out of those roughly 3 million - membership was 1.5 million people
- about 50% of the adult population - were members of TANU
- very quickly, by 1955, had created an organizational structure reaching from the party cell to a national convention held every 2 years
-
- 3. Leadership
- high quality political leadership
- Rashidi Kawawa
- very young, and talented
- trade union activist, brilliant
- organizing very powerful unions within Tanganika after WW2
- had a strong hand in creating perhaps the most powerful union in sub-saharan africa
- the African Dockworkers Union, in dar es Salaam
- which was the port of entry for most of east africa
- the union thus had a lot of political capability
- bringing union support in to TANU
- Oscar Cambona
- an emerging african businessperson
- ties into the asian community in dar es Salaam
- and the coffee trade in various areas of the country
- very big person, powerful voice
- quickly becomes a TANU member - sees new economic opportunities with independence
- would travel to TANU meetings everywhere, booming voice, charismatic; bringing in the emerging African professional and business community
-
- but most importantly,
- Julius Nyerere
- was the eldest son of a chief (someone designated as so by the british) of a very small ethnic community in western Tan.
- the chiefs, being close to the british, noticed that those who were educated became more influential - and had the money to pay the school fees
- as the son of a chief, Nyerere was encouraged to go to school at an early age
- from age 6 (early in Africa esp. then) - and did very well in primary school
- and then to secondary school, where he did extraordinarily well
- led Nyerere to think about entering the teaching profession - liked school
- took some teacher training at a college in Kampala, Uganda
- spent two years there getting an education, graduated in 1945
- returned to the country and began a teaching career
- at the school where he had recieved his secondary education (st. mary's)
- as it turned out, was close enough that he could live at home while teaching, saved money
- and decided he'd go overseas for education
- to the university of Edinburgh
- and took a masters degree in political science
- while there, met a number of other young africans from various sub-saharan countries
- and discovered that their political consciousness was raised far beyond his - felt out of sorts
- became fascinated with the political, read widely
- did very well
- then he returned, 2 years later, and took a position as headmaster at a regional school in Pugu (leading catholic secondary school in Tan)
- just a year into his tenure at Pugu, joined the TAA
- teachers considered civil servants, part of the govt service
- joined to represent his teachers at the TAA
- his work in 1952 with the party was well-recieved
- well educated, confident
- stood out among the new members
- in 1953, at the TAA national convention, he spoke at numerous sessions
- and was elected president of the TAA
- and subsequently, president of TANU when it was formed
-
- Kawawa and Cambona were very bitter about discrimination against Africans
- but Nyerere, from the outset, decided the party would be a party of unity (having experienced liberal democracy in britain)
- everyone rallying behind the common goal of uhuru, independnece
- will build bridges between people
- very reluctant to show ethnic preference (given the 120 tribal communities in Tan.)
- very strongly felt that it should not be beholden to any particular tribal group - a party of unity
- was also impressed with the writings of Gandhi, and non-violence
- declared that TANU would not be a party of militancy, but of non-violent protest
-
- right from the outset
- against tribalism,
- and against militancy
-
- influenced by Kawawa, recognized that it was important to bring organized groups into TANU
- workers were encouraged to join the party, but there was also specific representation for trade workers within the party
- same thing for women
- and same thing for youth
- turning part of the party over to organized groups
- people weren't individually coopted into the party
- but would have these branches within the party
- incorporating organized groups into the party
-
- because he'd been overseas, understood the impact of the international arena
- the importance of the international community
- western values of free speech and association, highly regarded by other countries
- and of representing african needs and interests within it - felt they should do so at every opportunity
- a fund for members to go overseas and present our case for independnece to sympathetic bodies overseas
-
- had a charismatic quality about him
- gifted; a power of persuasion
- ( precious few people in politics are really excellent charismatic figures )
- a special innate, rare quality
- Nyrere was very charismatic
- personal qualities that very few political leaders can claim
-
-
-
- Thursday, November 19, 2009
-
-
- Tanzania's path to independence
- 1. trustee status
- 2. effective mass party - TANU
- 3. quality of political leadership
- 4. social context
-
-
- Nyerere (cont)
- charisma
- max weber's view of charisma:
- a certain quality of an individual personality
- by virtue of which he or she is set apart from ordinary men or women
- this person is endowed with supernatural, superhuman or at the least, exceptional powers or qualities
- in DCs, there are often people referred to as "cultural leaders"
- individuals who can understand the present, because they can see into the past and future - futurologists
- william friedland
- suggests that there's a close relationship between the charismatic person (or leader), and his or her audience
- a social context, in which charisma can flourish
- the message conveyed, has to be seen by the audience as relevant and meaningful
- a message that can be understood, so people become enthused about your leadership, and willing to follow you
- this message gives you a hightened degree of legitimacy
- so not just your personality that's unique, but your message as well
- and your audience needs to be receptive to that message at a critical point in tie
- you could create a social context, create a message, then look for someone with the special qualities to deliver it
- ( used by marketing and advertising people everywhere )
-
- so what makes Nyerere a charismatic figure?
- first impressions of nyerere - anything but charismatic
- diminuative person; not physically large
- most people towered over him
- didn't have a powerful voice; very soft spoken
- had never worn a western suit
- usually wore a safari outfit; khaki jacket and pants; sandals
- ( even coming to canada - sandals and socks, not shoes )
- but - it's the smile
- "eyes twinkle, smile, looking right into your soul"
- only similar person, according to JS, was Robert Kennedy
- a warmth
- really wanted to know who you were, why you had taken the trouble to come to see him
- downplays his own importance
- self-deprecating
- a sharp contrast to so many people in politics
- ( most people in politics being supreme egotists )
- genuinely touched that people would come to see him
- what was the message he was conveying?
- the start of Rousseau's classic phrase
- "all persons are born equal"
- a message of fundamental human equality
- telling African Tanganikans - they're not inferior to europeans or the east indians in the country
- and hence we all have the same claim to basic fundamental rights, as humans
- freedom from domination and discrimination
- as African people, we should be genuinely free politically
- there's no justification for colonial rule
- if we're all equal, with the same basic fundamental rights, then how can we justify colonial rule?
-
- so - "uhuru" - we must be free
- touches people in a very direct way
- all people are equal; don't think you're diminished
- and thus should be independent
- ( a simple, compelling message )
-
- and wants to give people a sense of how they're being mistreated under colonial rule
- looking at british policies
- eg, family planning - that African families should have a limited number of children
- how can someone come into your house and tell you how many children to have?
- this is Africa; we love big families - how can they come in and tell us this?
- or, british decision that there were too many cows and too little grass
- started a program in the 1950s called "cattle culling" - limiting the number of stock people could have
- so N. travels out and holds a public meeting with the Masai
- these whites have come into your land; told you you can only have so many children.
- and now, that you can only have so many cows!
- why should we listen to them?
-
- social context here - the Masai whole life is built around the cow
- bringing up the cow to maturity, making sure it has enough water and grass; extreme care
- the cattle is a symbol of wealth; can afford a bride price
- a source of lifeblood - sustenance
- skins are used for leather and handicraft
- whole society is built around the cow
- and they truly believe that god put every cow on earth for the masai
-
- so can effectively convey this
- brutal honesty and warmth personality
- and giving a message that has meaning and relevance to them
- highly in tune with the social context
-
- 4. the general Social Context
- most african countries are multi-ethnic
- makes creating a unified country a challenge
- some kind of multi-ethnic, multi-racial unity
- most developing countries have a severe challenge of multi-racial integration
-
- Tanzania has 122 distinct tribes or ethnic communities
- but unique about Tanzania, no one group is particularly large
- the largest is only about 7% of the population
- no single group can make an assertion towards political dominance
- multi-ethnic to the point that no one group can dominate over another
- so each is usually from one area or another, but they don't see themselves as political competitors or enemies
- this group has their land, this group has their land
- and they live in peace; aren't trying to claim each other's land, because they've never done so in the past
-
- racial situation is slightly more complex
- includes Africans, Europeans and East Indians
- but in Tanzania, 96% of the population is African
- the East Indian population, while commercially important, is mostly just in dar es Salaam and is much smaller than similar east indian communities in Kenya or other countries
-
- because the centre of the county is such a huge area, and uninhabitable
- people tend to live on the periphery of this big circle
- and (esp in the 1950s) the roads and infrastructure were very poor
- neither the Germans nor British invested heavily in infrastructure
-
- so - not a lot of the population travelled to the urban centre
- not the same urbanization visible in south africa, for example
- too difficult to travel
- so 94% of the population is rural
- small farmers, living on individual farms
- not really villages; there are market centres they'll bring their products to
- but basically, peasant producers on small farms
- all roughly the same size
- so few socio-economic divisions
-
- an attractive social context
-
- but key to explaining the quick rise of the national movement -
- every Tanzanian can understand Swahili - common "lingua franca"
- this goes way back - from the 12th century forward, this langauge has been constructed
- because of Arab traders penetrating throughout the region
- Swahili spread throughout, much more so than any other african country
- almost contradictory, because Tanzania is so much harder to travel through, but the spread of a common language was unparalleled
- children will know both their tribal language, and Swahili, before they even get to school
-
- Kawawa, for example, would participate in events with european district commissioners and district officers
- who would be quite impressed with the clapping, supportive, calm, happy audience
- but not realizing that Kawawa was talking the whole time about independence and freedom - in Swahili!
- and the chiefs, who could have explained the situation to the DCs, are in a very difficult position
- because in these speeches, by Kawawa or Cambona or Nyerere, they're likely looking at the future leaders of the country
- puts them in a very difficult position
- because they too want to end discrimination they experience compared to british admin officials
- so caught between explaining these speeches to DCs, and being able to keep their status when the inevitable new govt is formed
-
- so debate in the national assembly is in Swahili; most newspapers in Tanzania are in swahili, and documents coming out of the govt today are first printed in Swahili
-
- so:
- a. multi-ethnic - 120+ tribes
- b. 96% african
- c. 94% rural agriculture
- without much socio-economic divide
- d. common Swahili language
-
- visiting UN mission in 1954-55
- looking at the rate of political advance
- TANU became quickly involved
- UN mission impressed by how many people had joined this party and wanted to participate poltically
- wrote a report detailing these political aspirations
- and suggested the British should move quickly towards the country's independence
- the British were not that impressed with the UN, but had some strategic goals to meet
- the colonial administration passed a law quickly, in 1955
- the "Sedition Act"
- outlined a number of activities the admin. considered seditious, or dangerous to public stability
- permits would be required to have rallies
- and deliberately kept TANU out of holding rallies in areas where African opinion might be more pro-european than pro-TANU
- and to contain the pressure from the UN and TANU
- was to advocate a new policy of multi-racialism
- almost like Mandela in the 1990s, at the turnover from apartheid to African rule
- the country as a "rainbow" of multi-racialism
- each of these races - african, european, asian - has a role to play
- sought to portray TANU as being African -centrered and race-exclusive
- and rather, our system, each has its place
- also in 1955, Nyerere takes advantage of the trusteeship status; through fundraising activities, enough money is brought together for him to travel to New York and speak to the trusteeship council
- well documented in international media
- and back home in Tan.
- distributed out to party branches so people can read his speech
- calls for a much more rapid advance to African independnece
- we are alert, vigorous and ready
- takes the Tanganikan case to an international audience
-
- in 1956, see the british policy of multiracialism bear fruit
- the colonial administration deliberately fosters the creation of a new political party
- the "United Tanganika Party", or UTP
- is to be a multi-racial party
- combining european, asian and african opinion
- the fruition of the new multiracialism policy
- but is a moderate party - not promoting a quick step to independnece
- a much more incremental path
- will perhaps take a generation
- 40 or 50 years before we're ready for independence
- we could rush to independence, and hand over power to this "emotionally, highly charged, excitable leadership" in TANU, but why take that risk?
- interestingly, the colonial administration pays for flying in a leading british political strategist to get the UTP off the ground
-
- and the british announce, we'll have a new legislative assembly
- and instead of an appointed legislative assembly like in the past
- where usually, more europeans would be appointed than anyone
- and these elections, as part of the multiracial policy, will have different electoral roles
- the principle is essentially, will create 3 separate voter registration lists
- 1 european, 1 asian, and 1 african
- "communal roles"
- and then a number of seats elected into the legislative assembly, divided equally among asians, europeans and africans
- each will have the same number of seats
- policy of multiracialism - "that the races are equal"
- and europeans have to vote for their european representatives, africans have to vote for their african representatives, etc.
- the election is held, and a new legislative assembly in 1957, and one of the people elected is Nyerere
- sitting in the african role of the legislative assembly
- some angst about whether TANU should participate or not, since this policy is dividing the races, not uniting them
- in may 1958, Nyerere takes his seat in the legislative assembly
- and becomes accustomed quickly to the style of debate
- but by dec. 1958, has decided that no matter how carefully he presents his arguments, the europeans and asians pass legislation that is distinctly anti-African
- resigns his seat
- this in itself is a telling blow to the policy of multi-racialism
- the leading voice of Africans pulls out
-
- the visiting UN mission in 1958 - the policy of multiracialism is "a dubious concept"
- this pillar of british policy, trying to delay independence and promote the UDP as the moderate voice, collapse
- this is an african country, it's ludicrous when 96% of the population is african, to claim equality between 3 races
- the british admin is in a quandary
- the UDP had no african support
- the UN calls it a dubious policy, but its the foundation of british policy here
- up against the wall?
- the americans
- back up a bit and get a huge gun and smash the wall
- bring in the technology and weapons
- but the british - why don't we go around the wall!
- the french, bring out some wine and cheese, think about it
- by time they decide what to do, the wall collapses!
- the canadian response
- try to go around the wall
- but the canadian response - would climb the wall and stand on the top, and unfurl the canadian flag, and say we're peacekeepers here to keep peace between people on each side
- no imperial or strategic ambitions
- needed someone new, send out a new colonial adminsitrator
- Sir Richard Turnbull - has a mandate from the british govt to press forward the UTP strategy in a national election
- if the determination at the end of the day is that the UTP truly has failed, then it's left to Turnbull to decide how to set the pace for independence
- go to Tan., schedule a new set of elections for 1960-61
- put the UTP up against TANU, have a vigours campaign, and see how the dust settles
- to set the stage or not for further moves towards independence
- moving the country towards self-government
- but under a great deal of pressure from London, and from some colonial officials on the ground
- decides that we'll go forward with elections, but they won't be for self-govt
- one part in 1958, and the other in 1959
- we'll still have the tri-partheid systems of different electoral roles
- but we'll universalize the franchise
- whole country will be registered to vote (previous efforts were haphazard)
- and a campaign period where each party will have the same access to the media
- and party candidates will be able to travel among their constitutencies and make their case
-
- election goes forward in 58-59
- TANU wins among the african population
- the UTP falters badly - maybe 2.5% of the total african vote
- by june 1959, Turnbull faces the reality that the UTP has collapsed
- what to do next?
- recognizes the UN verdict that the tri-partheid voting system doesn't make sense
- will hold an election in 1960-61, and on a universal franchise - everyone 18years of age and older voting
- and doing away with the tri-partheid system - no racial division
- august 1960, wil be the campaign period
-
- another UN mission arrives in march 1960,
- previous one suggested that multi-racial election policy was dubious
- this one: "nowhere are there more favourable conditions for indepednece than in Tanganika"
- sent to the trusteeship council in june 1960
-
- elections
- UTP is reinvigorated
- 71 seats
- single member constituencies around the country
- first-past-the-post system
- the results of the election?
- 70 of 71 seats are won by TANU
- the one seat lost, was lost to an independent candidate (who had run for TANU but was turned down for someone else)
- as soon as the assembly met, he crossed the floor to TANU
- Turnbull declares - will move the country to independnece by Dec. 1961
-
-
-
- Tuesday, November 24, 2009
-
- Uganda's path to independence
- 1. colonial administration
- a. buganda's special place
- b. baganda sub-imperialims
- c. early grievances
- 2. post ww2 challenge
- a. african protest
- b. colonial response - sir john hall
- c. colonial office & andrew cohen
- 3. cohen reforms
- 4. kabaka & baganda
- Uganda
- ruled by a traditional hierarchy
- king called the Kabaka
- area called Buganda, and the people called Bagandans
- when british first entered the country, discovered this advanced ethnic community
- decided to use this community to enter the country
- given their advanced political structure, and control over neighbouring tribes
- decided to use indirect rule
- the 1900 agreement
- a semblance of equal nations
- the kabaka of the Bagandans, and the governor representing Britain
- signing a treaty as equals
- not only would the bagandans keep their kingdom and traditional structure of authority
- but decided that given the bagandans seemed very capable and energetic, they'd recruit bagandan chiefs to make them rule in other parts of the country as well
- to rule over non-bagandan people
- usually referred to by post - colonial theorists as "sub-imperialism"
- their chiefs would act as british authorities over non-bagandan people
- the bagandan were given a special place by the british, in this 1900 agreement
- and their chiefs would rule over non-bagandan people
-
- uganda prospered over the next while
- bantu-speaking people in the southern and central part of the country became very prosperous
- with the introduction of cash crops - coffee and cotton
-
- but peasants had a number of grievances
- even though 97% of cotton producers were small african farmers, they recieved a very low price for it, compared to what it was fetching on the world market
- became widely known - peasants realized they were being paid a very weak price
- partly because the british used the asian community in uganda
- from railway workers, and immigrants in the 20s and 30s
- these asians were the intermediaires in the cotton trade
- would buy it from peasants, process it, and sell it to british factories
- these asian traders became key intermediaries
- not only were the peasants recieving a very low price for their cotton, they felt they were being exploited by these asian traders
- in the 1930s, this disagreement festered - especially with ww2 approaching after the depression, cost of cotton escalated dramatically
-
- and second, many africans found the rule of these bagandan chiefs to be very repressive, autocratic in nature
- were being salaried (as civil servants)
- were provided with houses wherever they went
- children had their school fees paid by the govt
- and often, were given large tracts of land by the british
- and these chiefs would turn around and force these peasants to provide forced (compulsory) labour on the lands of the chiefs
- was originally 30 days of free labour to the chief per year
- during the 30s, was expanded to 60 days of free labour
- esp. outside of Buganda, people found themselves under the rule of chiefs not from their ethnic community
- exercising strong authority
- and recieving all sorts of benefits from the colo. administration
- and forcing peasants to work substantially for them
- so were very critical of these chiefs, esp. in the south (outside of buganda)
- chiefs not their to serve them, but to serve their own interests
-
- asians living in the country also took over a number of failed settler farms
- abandoned; the colonial admin. wasn't sure what to do with them
- asians set up prosperous sugar plantations on these farms - about 30 of them
- provided enough sugar for uganda's needs
- but sugar production very labour-intensive
- and peasants felt they were again being exploited by the asian community
- very low wages
- as they left the plantations, africans from neighbouring countries were brought in (eg south sudan)
- so also seen as stealing wage-earning jobs from ugandans
-
- so 3 main grievances
- 1. weak prices for cotton, intermediaries making lots of money
- 2. repressive bagandan chiefs
- 3. sugar plantations, where african workers were getting extremely low wages, so left, and found themselves replaced by non-ugandans
-
-
- After world war 2, soldiers returning from the war
- found that their colony hadn't changed at all
- still repressive chiefs; still a dominant asian middle class
- and no improvement of opportunities for africans
- returning soldiers not impressed
- more and more reports of chiefs' houses being burned, or chiefs beaten
- esp. in the south of the country
- in 1949, ugandan farmers refused to sell their cotton to asian buyers
- leaving their cotton in the fields
- organized the african cotton growers association
- to market directly to the world market
- much of the income from cotton sales was being put directly into the british treasury
- a crucial source of income for british govt
- so not only british authoirty in the colony, but also back at home
- and non-ugandan africans living in the country found themselves attacked
- a spontaneous, and not always rational protest by Africans against symbols of non-african rule
-
- sir John Hall
- current administrator in the colony
- small-c conservative
- thought the violence was due to communist agitators
- so put down the resistance with a lot of force
- using the police
- very heavy-handed response
- and king's African rifles (the indigenous army)
- some angst here, because soldiers were now being asked to put down violence by ex-soldiers who had fought with the King's African rifles overseas!
- fighting their own brothers
- a sense of dissonance in the army that was alarming
- this news reached london
- (ugandan) veterans the british army were being repressed by soldiers in the K.A.R.
- and decided that John Hall had erred
- in using force to put down african resistance in this way
- Hall was recalled
- Sir Andrew Cohen was sent to become the new governor of the territory
- ( when in doubt, replace the person at the top! )
- Cohen comes to Uganda - completely different then hall
- hall was old-line administrator
- cohen is much younger, energetic, and had a substantial career in the british public service
- had served in the treasury dept and the foreign office
- assistant under-secretary for africa
- given carte-blanche by the colonial office
- "undertake those reforms necessary to address african opinion"
- so cohen arrives, does a tour of uganda
- ugandans were immediately surprised by the scale of the tour cohen did
- takes 6 months, goes through all the major districts and areas of the country
- unlike past governors, who just went 100km out of the capital and back
- studied the country intensely; pored over govt documents and petitions
- intensely interviewed the asian community
- talked to agents of british banks and companies in the colony
- in mid-1952, came up with a package of economic reforms he felt critical to changing the poistion of africans within the colony
- 1. agreed that peasants producers were getting a ridiculously low price for cotton
- dramatic increase in prices to producers
- were getting about 10% of world price - cohen mandated this to 60% of world price
- enormous increase
- 2. africans could begin to process cotton
- removed the asian monopoly over cotton processing
- africans could now engage in the processing side
- cotton marketing board would have its bylaws altered
- in charge of exporting cotton overseas
- and would now be instructed to buy from african as well as asian processors
- 3. too much authority was vested in the colonial administrative structure
- chiefs were too powerful
- abolished the compulsory labour conditions (working on the lands of chiefs)
- 4. would engage in local govt reform
- large dimensions of chiefly autohirty
- would be handed over to elected local govts
- africans were now going to have elected local govts with real financial revenue, and real jurisdictional power
- public works - road construction - under local govt authoirty now
- education and the location and staffing of schools - also local govt councils
- health clinics
- quickly whittled down powers of the chiefs
- 5. and decided to reconfiscate the expanses of land given to chiefs
- considerable areas of land
- came to be known as Mailo land (land given to the chiefs by the british, to convince them to serve british interests)
- a square mile of land
- chiefs can now have 10 acres as a reward, but no more
- the rest would be redistributed to peasants by clan councils
- 6. established the Uganda Development Corporation
- determined, it's one thing to say "africans can now engage in cotton processing"
- but lacked the capital to advance economically
- so established the uganda development corporation
- public development banks - purpose is to loan money to african entrepreneurs to establish themselves
- also used by the french, very successfully (syndicats)
- represented a major shift by the british
- rather than relying on the business role of the asian community
- a recognition to assist africans in growing economically in this african country
- 7. encouragement to start co-ops
- eg, coffee coops
- and pushing for people to use the revenue from those to invest in off-farm activities
- brought people in from scandanavia to teach people how to set up and run coops successfully
- cooperative savings and loans societies, to fund development
-
- so an enormous set of reforms, dedicated to making Africans more economically successful
-
- that was the economic aspect
- politically, also important
- cohen felt that the hirearchy of authority was not suited to the 20th century
- suggested that these traditional structures of authority were outdated
- the legislative council which advised the governor, was an appointed body by the governor
- had 9 appointees sitting on the council
- 3 from african community, 3 from european, and 3 from asian
- not only do we have these traditional kingdom structures, but we have an appointed advisory body
- decides to do away with both
- turns the legislative council into an elected body
- and do away with racial representation
- instead, introduce a universal franchise
- one person, one vote
- to decide who can sit in this legislative council
- still an advisory council to the governor, but elected
-
- in one fell swoop, undercut traditional authroity
- since this council will represent the (majority) common people
-
- announced this in 1954
- we'll have an elected legislative council
- and wil help move on the road to independence
-
- but for the Kabaka and Bagandan people
- Cohen is going too far, too fast
- first of all, from the kabaka's perspective, bagandan chiefs are under attack by cohen
- he's done away with much of the powers of the chiefs
- handing them over to local govt councils
-
- 1. chiefly authority has been diminished
- which is central to the kabaka's power
- 2. and chiefly privelege is under attack
- have lost huge tracts of land
- 3. and baganda's influence in the council is being diminished
- of the 3 africans appointed to the legislative council, 2 of them had always been bagandan
- not anymore, with a universal franchise
- 4. commoners have now been given more power
- with a universal franchise
- no longer the chiefs who call the shots, but the voters
-
- those closest to the kabaka (including his mother) urged him to do something about cohen
- what to do?
- what many ethnic communities have
- feeling under attack from the colonial admin
- power being undermined
- land being taken away
- does all he can
- a. requests colonial adminsitrators to leave buganda immediately
- b. mobilizes loyal young people to arm themselves, in preparation to throw out the adminstrators
- c. immediately petitions the queen to declare buganda a self-governing territory, separate from uganda whole
-
- two things reflect ethno-nationalism here
- 1. throw the colonial authorities out
- 2. declare independence
-
- the kabaka is very young at the time
- Frederick Mutesa, in his mid 20s
-
- the colonial office in london sees this situation
- is going downhill in a way from the earlier situation
- before, under hall, we had african resistance
- but now we have the potential of the colony splitting
-
- while the colonial office dithered, Cohen acted
- had carte-blanche
- sent govt forces to the palace of the kabaka, outside kampala
- a night raid, completely unanticipated
- arrested the kabaka and deported him to england
-
- and declared a state of emergency would be imposed over uganda
- until "peace and order had been restored"
-
- many non-bagandans see this as a very positive step
- people took to the streets in kampala and celebrated cohen's actions
- had lived so long under bagandan sub-imperialism
- among non-bagandans, Cohen was wildly popular
-
- foreign office takes over from the colonial office
- could be a diplomatic nightmare - don't want this to become a trend
- as the kabaka's on route, decision is taken by the foreign office that the kabaka will be in exile for some time, but important to make him comfortable as possible
- given his grandfather was a signatory to the 1900 agreement
- and represents an important community
- rent a luxurious apartment for the kabaka
- immediately met at south hampton by colonial office officials
- and brought with his entourage to establish themselves at this apartment
-
- back in Uganda, many traditional Bagandan leaders are stirred up
- mount a campaign to bring back the Kabaka
- the kabaka is sacrificing for all us bagandans - taken to prison in london - on behalf of both chiefs and common bagandans
- a real sense of suffereing
- but in london, not really at all
- becomes known as King Freddy in london, and joins some of the elite men's clubs there
- becomes a fixture on the london social scene
- throws substantial, lavish parties
- and on the club scene, chasing young british women
- having a great time in london
- being paid a living allowance by the foreign office
- which is increasingly embarassed by Freddy's behaviour
-
- telegraph back to Cohen
- the kabaka must be re-instated; because he's making too much of a scene in london!
- the palace itself is finding the situation vexacious; not enthralled with Freddy
- who is drinking heavily and has made two women pregnant
- the kabaka is flown back to Uganda
- is apparently hardly able to walk down the steps after partying one last time the night before
- greeted by throngs of bagandans, who are celebrating his victory and return to uganda
-
- now very complicated to rectify
- is the col. admin. going to backtrack, and give bagandans once again?
- is cohen going to hold his line and maintain universal democracy?
- how will the tremendous tension among these groups be reconciled?
-
-
-
- Thursday, November 26, 2009
- Tuesday, December 01, 2009
-
- Uganda - the final pre-independence elections
- april 1962
-
- party alignments
- DP (democratic party) - kiwanuka (catholic)
- did well in the 1962 elections, because of boycotts by others
- KY (kabaka yeka) - ethno nationalists
- UPC-Obote (patron-based party)
-
- what to do with the elections the british would call in the year leading to independence?
- the party to lead the country through independence - to be selected in 1962
-
- Obote decided it would be useful to craft an alliance with a different party, either the DP or the KY
- willing to ally with the KY and assure them that the kabaka would have a place in independent Uganda
- and the "special place" of the buganda
- for the KY, wanted to reassert control over buganda
- by freezing out the democratic party
- just within their own ethnic area (not as concerned about the rest of country)
- and give the KY a voice in parliament
- obote would have to concede cabinet posts to their members
-
- results confirmed shrewdness of Obote's alliance
- UPC wins 43 seats
- strength in the north, the west and partly the south
- DP - 24
- strength with catholics outside of buganda
- KY - 24
- takes all 24 seats in Buganda
-
- with 91 seats in the nat'l assembly, the UPC would have fallen short without the support of the KY
- the alliance becomes politically critical to obote bringing Uganda to independence
-
- Obote becomes PM; forms a cabinet
- willing to concede 6 out of 21 ministerial appointments to the KY
- decides he will name the Kabaka as head of state; takes over the position that would be held by a governor general
- the symbolic victory the Kabaka Yeta wanted
- and the bugandan leadership will be able to re-establish their subnational parliament within Buganda - the Lukiiko
-
- October 1962
- becomes independent
- peacefully and smoothly
- Frederik Mutesa as head of state; Francis (?) as prime minister
-
Kenya
- the struggle for independnece, 1920-1963
-
- notably: a violence challenge to colonial rule, from 1952 to 1955
-
- settler-based economy
- settlers had a strong presence there, that would substantially alter the politicl equation, right from the outset
- settlers are able to establish their dominance over a large area of land in highland kenya
- 4 to 5 million acres of land, by 1920
- 4518 settler farms, in 1945
- although not very numerous, control a large area of fertile land in highland kenya
-
- and had a very strong east Indian community
- many of them came as indentured railway workers
- about 60% of those workers opted to stay in Kenya after contracts were up, and stayed in the community
- played a very important intermediary role
- an emerging middle-class
- shopkeepers, entrepreneurs, traders
- stood between the europeans and the africans
- somewhat forced into this role, because they weren't allowed to own land in rural Kenya
- so established themselves in the towns and villages; immersed themselves in commerce and trade
- nowadays - somalian business class moving to Nairobi - pushing out the kenyan asian community
- the somalis have strong connections to middle eastern and lebanese traders - very effective
- tension though between somali newcomers and asians in Nairobi
-
-
- early nationalist challenge
- Desai and Jeevanji
- two prominent members of the asian community
- the prez and secretary general of the Indian Association
- formed in 1949 (1929 ?) to promote the interests of the east asian community in Kenya and Uganda
- pushing for political representation in the colony for east indians
- wanted representation on the advisory council to the governor - "Legcos" or legistlative councils
- established in kenya in 1909, had 2 europeans, 2 asians and 2 africans
- unofficial represntatives on the council
- not surprisingly, delamere and brogan - the two most influential settlers - were the 2 european advisors
- two influential chiefs were the african represnetatives
- as well as 10 other official represenetaitves
- Desai and Jeevanji wanted more than 2 asians on the council - and wanted these individuals elected, rather than appointed
- the Indian Association membership was mostly Nairobi-based and elsewhere, not from Mombasa, where the 2 asian representatives were always from
- and they watned the restriction on asians holding agricultural land removed
- wanted more opportunities for the asian community
- this was happening in Uganda - succesful sugar plantations owned by asians - wanted the same thing in Kenya
-
- D & J thought that if they anchored their demands on asian rights, they'd be seen as being racist
- so also wanted to argue for African advance as well
- that africans should also receive a re-orientation in priorities to help them shift from subsistence ag. to cash economies
- so the miniumum wage for paid african labour should be increased
- and allowing more africans into the urban centres, to be able to work in asian shops
- there were restrictions on Africans living in nairobi or other cities
- and Africans should have more representation on the council as well
- rather than just 2 for the entire african population
-
- the settler response to this, was continually pressing the governor to ignore the asian community
- they were doing fine as they were; good for them to keep a low profile
- the asians are here "as our guests"; so they shouldn't become too active politically
- pushing asian demands to the margins
- and can't afford these higher wages they suggest - the only thing that makes our farms (the backbone of the kenyan economy!) profitable, is the abundance of cheap african labour - it's essential
- the idea of asians owning land in africa, according to delamere, is preposterous
- and if we allow africans to move to the urban centres, they won't be satisfied working on our farms anymore
- so continually pressed the governor not to cede any ground to these demands
-
- so D & J thought that perhaps the solution was to find an articulate African who would be suitable to press these demands
- they won't be demands coming from a small asian minority, but they'll be coming from the African majority
- both D & J worked as senior accountants in the treasury dept., and at the time, noticed a young Kikiyu working there who was both an office messenger and clerk
- bright and well-spoken
- among all the africans in the civil service, only about 3 or 4 in the treasury
- named Harry Thuku
-
- Harry Thuku
- a kikuyu, born in Kiambu district
- father was a clan leader who had been designated by the british as a chief
- and Harry was the eldest son
- the british had awarded his father a fair amount of land, and at one point just before the war ended, a group of individuals came to Thuku and asked if they could buy some of this land to set up a mission school and health clinic
- american missionaries ; formed the American Mission Society
- quite influential now in East Africa; this was their original base
- by setting up to school, Harry's father insisted that his eldest son be allowed to go to it
- so harry went to primary and secondary school; left after 2 years of secondary school
- but was literate and quick learner
- got a job working in a bank in Nairobi
- as a runner
- nobody would trust Africans with money at this stage
- asians ran the tellers, while europeans oversaw everything
- but then ran into trouble
- a friend had stolen a blank cheque from the AMS and convinced Harry to cash it
- didn't work out; obviously too large an amount
- and for the colonial admin, africans needed to be taught the full extent of the law
- so sentenced to 4 years in prison
- but sent to a prison in Mombasa on the coast
- hot and humid, unpleasant esp for a kikuyu
- way to get early release was on work gangs
- building ditches and roads, etc.
- and while in jail, Thuku wrote letters for other prisoners and guards
- just 2 months before his release, got a prime job for a prisoner as a rickshaw boy in mombasa
- right near the end, meets this british family
- who ask him if it'd be possible for him to take them on tour through Kenya
- right at the time of his release; perfect timing
- so spent 4 months touring Kenya with this family
- then came back to his home farm, and applied for positions in the civil service
- recruited as a telephone operator in the treasury
- late 1920
- Africans weren't allowed to live in the city proper, so lived in a neighbourhood on the outskirts, Pangani
- ( within the city, everything was segregated - restaurants and bars and public toilets were off limits to africans )
- so many of the africans in Pangani would go to tea shops (chai shops) to socialize
- talk about politics, shared discrimination, etc.
- Harry was very outgoing, so met a lot of people here with similar experiances
- and diverse ethnic groups from all over east africa in Pangani
- and saw how many people felt the same discrimination by europeans - limited opportunity, etc. - and became more politically interested
-
- D & J saw him and suggested he become involved in politics
- they had started a newspaper, the East African Chronicle
- and encouraged Harry Thuku to write things for the newspaper
- and they had a printing press, which they offered to him to use if he wanted to make posters or brochures
- and suddenly Thuku had become a political presence
- just at this time, the british had sent an observer commission to kenya to look at what could happen next for kenya and its economy
- so part of this, was having local meetings asking what people's demands were
- and chiefs, priests and teachers were being very moderate in their demans, but Thuku was much more radical
- why aren't we allowed to eat in nairobi restaurants?
- why can't we grow cash crops?
- why are we discriminated against in the workplace?
- so energized esp. the kikuyu community
- resentment against the power of the chiefs and churches
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-
-
- Thursday, December 03, 2009
-
- studying for another class! need notes
-
- essay
- footnotes or endnotes are both fine
- choose a style that's suited to you (chicago or APA or anything as long as you're consistent)
- encouraged to use the internet at every moment
- just have to put the website down
- and if it's an article, the title of the article and the website
- researtch essay
- large portion of mark is based on research effort undertaken - 35%
- in any good academic paper,
- introduction
- sets the context for the paper
- why is this important?
- 3-5 sentences
- your position - central argument
- after having done the research, what is the position you're taking?
- 3-4 sentences
- may want an outline of how you're going to proceed (optional)
-
- headings are acceptable
-
- analytical part - body of the essay
- you'll think the question is specific, but many people follow the urge to become historical
- describing what happened
- JS isn't really interested in that - if setting the history, do it quickly
- 2 or 3 paragraphs at most
- you can footnote an article that gives the history
-
- give the 4 or 5 key points that are important
- and explain those
- 5.5 or 6 or 7 pages
-
- conclusion
- what everybody wants to do!
- it's an urge
- to summarize what we've already said!
-
- 3 alternative approaches
- pose a number of questions you think are unanswered
- done this research, but nobody addressed this or that question, great questions for further research
- explaining an important contradiction you've discovered
- different takes in the research material you studied
- what do you think are the implications of your argument/analysis?
- what's to come? what'll happen next?
- your interpretation of the implications
-
- due in march 16th
- willing to take a look at a draft outline; email JS
- and willing to read entire drafts
- will accept them until march 12
-
- midterm test is in January
-
-
- Tuesday, January 12, 2010
-
Gone since jan 1; need notes
-
- Political challenges and dilemmas, post-independence
-
- context
- colonial remnants
- national leadership
- external interests
-
- Colonial remnants
- in the colonial period, political rule featured executive dominance
- the executive authority was overwhleming powerful
- and it was relatively unchecked
- regional authorities also went unchallenged (district comicionares, regional commisioners, district officers)
- ruled arbitrarily, no laws that were firmly and officially established
- ruled by the seat of their pants; made inconsistent judgements on their own whims
- and really impossible to challenge them at all
- you'd go to them with a degree of fear
- and until late in the colonial period, no conception that africans or indigenous people could participate in rule
- they were too "immature" or experienced; "lacked sense of modern civilization"
- and there was no reluctance to use oppression
- rule backed up by repressive force
- particularly individuals who challenge too much
- and nationalist leaders (who would become future leaders of the nation) had often experienced this repression themselves
- being jailed, detained, tortured, etc.
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- national leadership
- most people who became leaders of post-colonial nations had been educated abroad
- on the one hand, a national leadership that suffered, but also benefitted during different periods of their lives
- gotten immersed in western values
- but also a western lifestyle very different from that at home
-
- external interests
- economic ties and linkages have created a set of foreign relationships and investments that don't want to be too disturbed by the transition to independence
- want the country to not be too disruptive during the transtion
- so enormous pressure on newly indpendence countries to maintain the existing economic systems
- central place of foreign managers and agents; the external transfer of profits, etc.
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Dilemmas
- everywhere that new independence occurs...
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1. Leadership
- the new leadership faces a challenge
- need to move from an antagonistic and confrontational style of leadership, fighting the colonial authority
- to one where these individuals are now called upon to form a government and occupy positions of authority
- before they were on the outside looking in; now they're on the inside looking out
- it's easy to oppose
- but suddenly you now have to govern
- in most post-independnece settlements, you have some form of representative govt
- so the first thing you have to do is choose a cabinet or executive council
- when we were the opposition, everyone was brothers and sisters - all struggled together
- but now, who is going to be preferred (in forming a cabinet), and who will be overlooked?
- cabinet formation is always a big sort of thing
- who will be given the big portfolios?
- the minister of finance, vs the minister of public works
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- and in a developing country, being a cabinet minister opens up enormous opportunities
- a high salary
- the average minister makes 15x more than an average bank manager in Trinidad
- a house
- a car and driver
- the car being a black mercedes benz saloon car
- nowadays, the black SUV - the range rover with leather seats - because often the roads back to their communities are terrible
- and just today, the Mitsubishi Pajero - seats more people, has an incredible roof rack, and has bigger tires for real off-roading
- tuition for their children
- because how should a minister's children have less education than those of the previous colonial administrators?
- and they'll be sent to an international, private school
- healthcare
- and a cook, houseperson, and gardener
- employed at the house
- because you can't expect a minister's wife to do those
- and duty-free priveleges
- eg on alcohol, used of course for private functions
- ( many ministers actually would develop drinking problems, when, without duties, alcohol was almost as cheap as bottled watter )
-
- and now, with a high salary and all of these benefits, why not start a business?
- as a minister, has access to credit and loans
- one that can be turned over to the minister's children or spouse
-
- so do the ministers serve the public interest, or have they become more interested in their private interests?
-
- and there is something intoxicating about power
- you've been in dentention for so long; and suddenly you're in a mahogany office overlooking the capital
- you just have to pick up the phone and speak, and people will reply, "yes minister!"
- you can demand things from people
- do you do so in the public interest or in the private interest?
-
- and what about your supporters - people from your home region or constituency
- you're now a minister; control an enormous budget with a lot of discretionary money
- that you could spend on great development projects in your home community?
- ( long lineups forming outside the offices of ministers in capitals - it's people from their home constituencies looking for assistance or favours )
- ministers become known as bwana mkubwa
-
- should we be surprised if ministers act out their interests?
- they've come to everywhere from nowhere
- from having nothing and being oppressed, to having inordinate power
- usually, there's also a pressure here to move quickly
- ministers recognize that their time could be over quickly
- the prime minister could die
- and his successor not reappoint you
- there could be a coup d'etat
- so this accumulation of wealth through office needs to be done quickly
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2. the Role of the Political Opposition
- this is a tricky situation
- most independnce situations made room for some form of elected parliament
- and here, you have not only the majority party, but also a place for the official opposition
- and the duty of an official opposition, in any political system, is to oppose
- through question period and parliamentary debate
-
- in the newly independent country
- the opposition and the new elected party were fighting the same fight, working together against the colonial power
- but now, suddenly, they're there and we're here
- and if you're in a culture that highly values consensus and common agreement
- it feels strange that you should be breaking with this, and act in a way to challenge those in power
- could be both culturally and politically unfamiliar
- and the majority party is also not familiar with the idea of opposition
- want the nation to stay united and take on these challenges together
- not excited about constant criticism from accross the floor
- this constnat barrage of criticism is not the indonisian (or malian or fijian) way
- these opposition people are not constructive; they're undermining national unity
- so the governing party becomes increasingly irritated with oppositional force
- and meanwhile the opposition members quickly realize how many perks ministers are getting - and i worked harder than he did for independence, and now he has all these perks!
- and all the funding for development is going towards the communities these ministers are from
- why am i sitting here with nothing, when i could be sitting over there and enjoying the fruits of independence?!
- so is an opposition very useful in a DC?
- most people in it would say no; it's getting us nothing and they're doing all this accumulating
- the crossing-the-floor phenomenon
- both sides are complicit in this
- people will quietly start talking across the floor
-
- the governing party:
- you fought with us; why are you sitting over there? come home to where you belong - and not only that, we'll give you a great post - something big
- promises are made for opposition MPs to cross the floor - enticements
- sometimes the stick is used instead of the carrot
- they can expect nothing for their constituencies as long as they sit there
- no new roads, health clinics, schools, development projects etc.
-
- and for members of the opposition
- my community is missing out
- my kids are lacking the opportutnies ministers's children have
- it's time for me to go home too
-
- in many cases, for the first 7 or 8 years, the dilemma of opposing or joining is decided in favour of joining
- and the opposition withers away
- academics wondering why they moved so quickly to one-party rule?
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3. the direction of societal development
- what is the nature of the society we are trying to achieve?
- the ideal society - what does it look like?
- will require hard choices to be made about the development blueprint
- not surprisingly, during the Cold War, there was a lot of external pressure too
- first by the western countries and the US
- then by the USSR
- and finally China
- to choose very strong ideologically-based development paths
- free enterprise; socialist economies; mixed economies?
-
- and if we take the capitalist path of development, are we going to emphasize growth over distribution?
- many economists in the 60s and 70s were pressuring DC leaders to choose a growth model of development
- one which would emphasize foreign investment, foreign multinational corporiations entering the country; a particular pattern of macroeconomic management, interest rates, etc.
- that would promote a high growth strategy
- the counterargument to this, is that in a high growth strategy what tends to happen - over a short and medium term - is that a small number of people only tends to benefit
- very little will change in the income or quality of life for the large majority of the population
- because most govt resources are focused on a growth strategy, not on providing social services
-
- a lot of belief - "and still some up on the 8th floor of arts" - in trickle-down
- most people will be left behind over the short term, but sometime down the road they will benefit from this high-growth strategy
- at some point, as the economy becomes more and more substantial and the formal economy expands with foreign trade
- then, there will be more employment opportunities available
-
- the other option: emphasizing distribution instead of growth
- through taxation structures, taking money from the wealthy and giving it to the majority poor in some way or another
- subsidized education or healthcare, expansion of cash crop development, interest free loans and credit, etc.
-
- these questions are hugely important and touch upon human values in a wide way... which leads to division
- equity, fairness and regional distribution, the community first or the individual first?
- and there are different cultural settings in which these arise
-
- and over time, the elite fractures - because of this huge question
- elite becomes divided over what to do next
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4. Who benefits?
- the archetypal question in politics
- who will benefit from the decisions taken by the political leadership now that they're in power
- and not just the politicians face this dilemma
- the administrative leadership faces the same problem
- senior public servants and program managers have a different situation in DCs
- in the types of decisions they make - they often have enormous economic and social consequences
- because the state - govt and public instituttions - control a large proportion of the resources available for development
- the state has near-monopoly control over development resources
- makes things tricky
- eg, where do we put a school? we don't have the money to build ten schools for each of the regions of the country - we only have the money for one
- so where are we going to put it - knowing the impact a school can have on a community, district and region
-
- what tends to happen is that even very neutral administrative decisions taken by a department (eg education) - has enormous consequences in a developing country
- so they quickly become not neutral, but highly politicized decisions
- so medium-rank and senior public servants come under enormous pressure
- from citizens below and ministers above - all wanting the school in their community
- every dept of govt gets politicized enormously
-
- because you don't have the money to build economic and social infrastructure everywhere it's needed
- will we privilege certain regions or certain ethnic groups over others, which was common in the colonial era
- esp now that all these regions are much more productive?
- or do we focus on the areas that were previously neglected
- but if economic growth is the focus, then this might not be even worth the effort!
- getting all areas to the same level of ecnomic development? or focusing on the already doing well areas and make them more productive?
-
- then, add the complications of ethnic divides in the community
- eg. by investing there, we're continuing to disporportionately favour the Bagandans, and that will inflate anti-Bagandan sentiment!
-
- Amy Chua - great book - World on Fire
- argues that a further dilemma on the who benefits, is that most of the individuals who have benefitted from economic growth in DCs, have been ethnically dominant minorities
- eg the chinese in south and southeast asia
- or the lebanese in parts of africa
- interesting question, when the primary benefiticaries of development efforts aren't actually indigenous people!
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- Tuesday, January 26, 2010
-
Tanganika/Tanzania
- post-independence
-
- 1. the Dependence Strategy, 1961-1966
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-
- Core Principles
- 1. staffing the civil service with sufficiently skilled indigenous Africans would not be possible for many years to come
- thus, rely on expatriates - mzungus - for many (esp. senior) positions in the civil service
- bureaucrats, and also veterinarians, engineers, etc.
- 2. and while political decisions would be taken by the elected African govt, many of these decisions would be handed off to senior public servants (expatriates)
- so overall policy directions would not change substantially compared to before independence
- 3. and with 92% of the population in rural agricultural environments
- focus will be on "progressive farmers"
- those who innovate, take risks, demonstrate new ideas
- this key on identifying those more advanced in rural society and working with them, continues today
- with the hopes being that these progressive farmers will become models for the rest of society
- 4. finally, setting up a climate to encourage foreign investment
- new govt would have to adopt policies that are attractive to foreign investors
- tax free holidays - during the first 5 years of a foreign-funded entreprise, they wouldn't need to pay any taxes
- and devoting a fair degree of expenditure to serviced industrial sites
- electrified, have water, access to good communications facilities
- creating an environment where you can attract investment into Tanzania
- 5. encouraging policies of multi-racialism
- and discourage any suggestion of a racist basis to govt policy
- continuing to secure the interests of both the europeans remaining in the country, and especially the thriving Asian commercial community
- europeans bring expertise
- asians bring entrepreneurship
- and the country desperately needs both
- bringing peace and stability and good multiracialism
- 6. and what to do with the national party that brought the country to independence?
- TANU, which run 70 of 71 seats in the runup to the election
- overwhelmingly popular and a strong mobilization force
- ask them to do two things
- using TANU party cadres and officials to explain govt policy to the masses - an explanatory tool
- why, eg, we still need to rely on the european expatriates in the civil service
- why we're supporting progressive farmers
- encouraging foreign investment
- and mobilizing popular support for those policies
-
- What are the outcomes?
- need to promote moderation within the party, and discourage the more radical parts of the party
- so - discouraging the more radical youth wing of the party
- making sure the youth wing isn't going to jeophardize, for example, the participation of europeans and asians in the country
- and making investors confident that if they invest in Tanzania, they will see a stable labour force
- labour forces need to be very carefully managed
- the trade union movement needs to also be brought under control - ensuring that the union leaders understand the need for stability and peace
- to encourage investment
- and also, to keep wages low
- so in dar es Salaam, you have an international port, and you also have inexpensive labour that's excited about the jobs you provide!
- interestingly, the women's wing of the party in the late 1950s became very assertive
- and wanted to moderate the patriarchal aspects of Tanzanian society
- saw TANU as a vehicle to challenge male dominance
- thought independence would provide an opportunity for a more radical feminist movement
- but this too was considered at odds with a stable society, so too would have to be moderated
-
- so moderate groups within the party are encouraged, while radical groups are marginalized
- these second becoming voiceless, and much less content with the path of the dependence strategy than the moderates
-
- and for the general public or masses - not those deeply involved in the party, but its widespread supporters
- expecting change
- but for almost everyone - still struggling as subsistence farmers
- still stuck with the same agricultural policies as in the past
- and most agricultural agents were doing the same as before - supporting the wealthier progressive farmers, and no help to themselves
- agricultural products still selling for the same low prices as pre-independence
- and same constraining regulations on crop use and number of animals
- and the (civil service) administrators were the same as before independence too!
- so the masses become more restless as well
-
- in 1961 and 62, suddenly a number of industrial strikes began to be felt
- a port workers' strike encouraging a much higher minimum wage
- and the youth wing began to be much more active
-
- in 1962, Nyerere took a dramatic step
- resigned as PM (while remaining the pres. of TANU)
- and turned over the PM leadership to Rashidi Kawawa
- and Nyerere took a year-long sabbatical
- toured through rural Tanzania, met with villagers throughout the country in very small-scale settings
- and had big public meetings, discussing the needs of Tanzania and what the govt can do for them
- and found a malaise with the dependence strategy
- not much had happened or change for them
- in fact, they'd say - independence is not for us, it's only for the city people
- becoming disillusioned with TANU and Nyerere's leadership
- and the other thing he discovered,
- no matter where he went, he'd be greeted by admin. officials - white europeans
- who would sit on the platform with him and maintain a european aura during these meetings, which also bothered him
- so after his sabbatical, N. came back
- and launched a commission of inquiry into the one-party system
- asking - would tanzania be better off under a one-party system, or should we maintain the multiparty system we inherited at independence?
- he used the TANU annual conference in 1963 to begin to articulate a different path
-
- contrasting the role of political parties in developed countries, to political parties in Africa
- how did they appear, and what sustained them?
- Nyerere's intellectual exercise suggested
- most political parties in the west were based on socioeconomic conditions
- eg, the conservative party in britain tended to represent the upper class and higher-ranks of middle class (aristocratic party), while the Labour party drew its representation from the lower class and lower-ranked middle class
- and also based strongly on ideological divisions, which explained the rise of parties
- eg, the communist party on the left, and the conservative party on the right
- so political parties in the west are based on socioeconomic status and ideological debates
-
- this division made sense in a developed country
- but for developing countries - Tanzania, a country of subsistence farmers and workers in low-paid occupations - over 90%
- we don't have these severe economic distinctions within the African community
- most of the higher-level eg managerial positions are held by Europeans
- while those within the business sector are held by Asians
- there aren't any upper-class Africans in Tanzania yet
- and because most people are peasants and workers, their needs are very fundamental
- not really concerned with goals like equity and justice - because they're already living in very similar conditions across the countyr
-
- and these divisions between parties exist in cultures with a strong emphasis on the individual
- and on an individual's rights and freedoms - eg, one person one vote
- the individual is given pre-eminence
-
- but in Africa and many developing countries worldwide, the individual is less important
- instead, an emphasis on communal action, on community
- and most communities (as he discovered during his tour) share the same basic interests and basic needs
- all lack opportunities in education; lack money to invest with; find themselves surviving barely as subsistence farmers
- access to health and water is low
- but the community stands together
- people help each other out
- if someone falls sick, someone will tend their crops
- there are no divisions (as yet) in Tanzanian society
-
- and as we make decisions in Africa, we'd come together as a community and make decisions by working to a consensual decision
- coming to a consensus
- and if we couldn't agree, we'd go think some more, then come back, and eventually reach an unanimous consensus
- eg the elders, who would do this, by consulting with all the people involved, then coming back and reaching a consensus together
- if we couldn't agree, no decision was taken
- the notion of majority rule as a foreign one
-
- so Nyerere's conclusion
- if we can ensure
- that people have a voice from the grassroots all the way to the top of the party
- that people can reach the top of the party if they're inclined
- and that marginalized groups can have a voice within the party
- then why should we have more than one political party?
-
- this speech to the conference reproduced as an essay, "Democracy and the Party System"
- democracy can be ensured - esp. democracy as Africans know it - can be reached in a one-party system
-
- so in 1965, the commission found - inspired by Nyerere's speech - that a one-party system would be recommended
- and that year it was enacted as law that Tanzania was now a "de jure" one-party system
- and within the party, ensuring that it became a truly democratic political structure
- recall systems for members people became unhappy with, etc.
-
- by 1966, Nyerere is discovering the very real costs of the dependence strategy
- we thought we could attract foreign investment
- but despite all the efforts, foreign investment never really came
- there was no market
- this was a country of farmers and poor labourers
- nobody with a large enough wage income to become consumers for products
- so foreign investment went to countries like Kenya that had more people rich enough to buy the products made
- and reconsidering foreign aid
- normally, western aid followed the priorities of western aid donors
- not the Tanzanian govt
- donors were making the priorities with respect to aid
- engaging in road construction or largescale irrigation projects
- or mechanized wheat farms
- or the tourist industry
- these were donor priorities, not Tanzanian priorities
- Tanzanians needed much more small-scale projects
- most development was not matching the needs of the people
- and this aid came with strings attached
- (during the cold war) needed to be a willing ally of western states
- and needed to be repaid! causing a debt problem
- and finally, seeing the emergence of a narrow African elite
- that had adopted western lifestyles
- primarily in dar es Salaam
- African civil servants who were moving up in the bureaucracy were beginning to use their salaries to invest in property in the capital
- building apartments and renting them out
- sending their children to private schools
- driving fancy western cars
- and frequenting the hotels and bars and restaurants of dar, and being abusive to local staff
- thinking they were the "creme de la creme" of Tanzanian society
- and discovered this Westernization or arrogance wasn't just among older African civil servants, but also among the students at the university
- students regularly going on strike, demanding better residences and food
- students were expecting high-paying jobs upon graduation, and were deprecating the rural lifestyle
- this was alarming and disappointing to Nyerere
- and a very small group of African rich farmers emerging
- starting to employ others on their farms at very low wages
- a new rural elite
- more stratification
-
- for Nyerere, nothing was going right
-
- so in 1967
- addressed the national leadership of the party and discussed his concerns
- concluded with the "Arusha declaration"
- Tanzinia is a country of workers and peasants
- all Tanzanians should be treated equally
- but some feel they are a priveleged group and deserve to be accumulating wealth as much as they can
- so - we should turn away from the west
- the western capitalist model is not working
- promoting individual accumulation and self-promotion where others get left behind
- so we will build on an African model
-
- African socialism
- building on our communal heritage
- where people take care of each other
- and focusing much more on rural areas - with water and health etc
- development will be initiated by the govt, in our own way
- rather than relying on western organizations
- creating new boards
- coffee marketing boards, wheat board, beef board
- and encouraging cooperatives
- pooling resources and investing for the betterment of the community
- and a policy of nationalization
- transportation, education, etc. - all going to be directed by govt
-
- a radically different approach to development
- but one where everyone should benefit, not a small few
- "some countries are reaching for the moon; we're trying to reach the village"
-
- with Arusha, people always focus on the socialist strategies
- what people always miss:
- at the end of the document, a leadership code
- the first of its kind ever to appear in a DC
- a strict code of conduct for any leaders in the country
- elected politicians
- members of the military and military establishment
- senior and middle rank public servants
- people managing crown corporations
- and anyone in higher levels of TANU
- in many countries, this is circumvented when people buy things on behalf of their family
- but here, this code applies to leaders' families as well
-
- under this code,
- 1 every TANU and govt leader must be either a peasant or a worker, and should in no way be associated with the practices of capitalism or feudalism
- 2 no TANU or govt leader should hold shares in any company
- (ending the practice where companies would appoint govt ministers to their boards and give them shares, in order to win govt contracts or avoid careful oversight)
- 3 no TANU or govt leader should hold directorships in any privately-owned entreprise
- 4 no TANU or govt leader should recieve 2 or more salaries
- (since govt officials were often hired as consultants for foreign companies to help them enter the country; similar to public servants in Canada setting up consultancies after they retire)
- 5. no TANU or govt leader should own houses which he or she rents to others
- 6. here, the definition of leader is provided (see above)
- refers to a man, or a man and his wives; or, a woman, or a woman and her husband
- was amended a year or two later to include leaders' children too
-
- Nyerere concluding - Tanzania is a poor country; it will take a long time to develop
- but we need to do it ourselves
- a policy of self-reliance
- otherwise, our children will be so indebted that they won't have any freedom anyway
-
- question - how did this get passed by people who were going to lose out with these constraints?
- because Nyerere brought these marginalized more radical side groups back in
-
- although Nyerere was offered the opportunity to live in a state house, he stayed in the house he built when he was a headmaster
- and instead of a car and driver, he bicycled to work, as PM
- this is the new Tanzania
-
-
-
-
- Thursday, January 28, 2010
-
Kenya
- the early post-indendence period
- 1. the ethnic mix
- 2. the key actors
- 3. 1963 election
- 4. constitutional challenge
- 5. republican status
- 6. "crossing the floor"
- 7. amendments
- 8. de facto one-partyism
-
- but first, essay topics -
-
- the struggle in Uganda
- collapse in the 80s into a failed state
- brutal dictatorship
- return to previous pres, then more instability
- finally, Yoweri Museveni
- National Resistance Army - takes over the capital and power
- then forms the National Resistance Movement
- dramatic reforms from the ground up
- to some international acclaim - called a "new breed of african leaders" by Clinton
- and then instituted a "no party" system
- but a lot of external pressure to introduce multiparty politics
- and Museveni is not really keen on it either
- more recently, has become more autocratic
- fascinating
-
- Books
- Colin Leys: The New Empire (or something?) - great look
- William Zartman (ed) - Collapsed States; has a chapter on Uganda in the 1980s
-
- and Fiji
- a case study in ethno-nationalism
- on one hand, the indigenous fijians,
- the taukei or "owners of the land"
- and on the other hand, the indo-fijians
- a community that was brought into fiji by the british in the early 1900s
- to work as labourers on sugar plantations
- this community expanded quickly as people heard of the opportunities there
- and evenutally the population of indofijians exceeded the population of indigenous fijians (eg 50.9% to 49%)
- starting in 1987, there's been a series of military coups by indigenous fijians
- Sitivenu Rabuka
- military officer, 2nd in command
- in may 1987, orchestrated a coup d'etat
- in Fiji, this isn't difficult; him and 9 guys took over the parliament
- everyone laughed, briefly
- by the summer, a peace agreement and new interim govt; then in september, didn't like it and had another coup!
- ( JS met him on a golf course; he really looks up to Sylvester Stallone )
- wrote a book on why he did the coups
- George Speight, in 2000
- a businessperson upset that the govt failed to award him a timber contract
- took parliament hostage with 5 guys
- then in 2006, Banaima Mera, defense minister
- an indigenous fijian leading the fijian army against the govt
- to protect the rights of indo-fijians
-
- and Papua New Guinea
- a melanesian country which borders Indonesia
- has been a geographically significant country
- many australians in the upper class are petrified of indonesia
- huge population, muslim country, and huge and sophisticated military
- worried about indonesian sub-imperialism
- so australia sees PNG as a crucial territory protecting them from indonesia
- held it as a territory just after WW2
- PNG is fascinating
- 700 distinct languages
- divided into
- highlanders - agriculturalists in the north
- papuans - fishers in the south
- and islanders across the islands
- the capital, Port Morsby, located in papuan territory
- like any capital, people migrate to it
- and papuans feel threatened by these "brutish" highlanders and "sophisticated" islanders coming into their lands
- has an almost "cowboy" or western atmosphere to it
- interviewing minister of the environment
- gets a phone call, his clan is under attack
- in the highlands, clan warfare happening all the time
- so minister travles back to his home, sheds his exquisite suit for traditional clan garb, grabs a big ax and goes to fight with his clan!
-
- political arena in PNG is fascinating
- shifting alliances in govt all the time
-
- books
- David Lipset - Seymour Martin Lipset - Democracy in Asia
- (first book - Agrarian Socialism - on Saskatchewan!)
- Edward Wolfers
- whole series of articles
- and the journal, Asian Survey
- and a website, Pacific Islands Report
-
- Presentation from Oxfam & Canada's World Youth
- presentation by oxfam's director of outreach, Joanna Kerr
- Feb. 3, 3:00pm in Arts 109
-
- James and Anna, with Canada World Youth
- travelled to Nicaragua with Oxfam
-
- nicaragua
- second poorest country in central america, after haiti
- has a high infant mortality rate, and lower literacy rates
-
- recent history, major implications
- Sandinista - Somoza/Contra conflict
-
- today
- 3-tier healthcare program (public, private, social support)
- substantially privatized in the 90s as conditions for IMF loans
- education
- mandatory primary school but not enforced
- exporting country
- coffee, tobacco, agriculture
- after embargoes placed in the 80s, major inflation issues
- environmental concerns
-
- working in city of Esteli, the city of murals
- with Funarte
- promotes children's rights and wellbeing through art
- founded by muralists in 1989
-
- free workshops; discussing social issues, playing games and making artwork
- as well as classroom workshops, and instructor programs
-
- muralism
- taking art out of galleries and to the people
- revolutionary kind of idea
-
- Oxfam
- has regional offices in Nicaragua and Cuba
- regional offices only employing local people
- and works across central america
- does work in
- disaster response (eg Hurrican Felix)
- climate change-proofing initiatives
- supporting local organizations
- working for women's rights
-
-
-
- Tuesday, February 02, 2010
-
- Essay Topics
-
- Women, Gender Equity and Development
- books
- Sue Charlton - Women, the state, and development
- Lawrence Hadded - The Gender Divisions of Economic Adjustment Policies
- Edith Kuiper - Feminist Economics and the World Bank
- Zimbabwe Women's Resource Center and Network
- phenomenal; a lot of policy statements and documents and lessons from experience
- see their website
-
- Structural Adjustment Policies
- and their conversion - from SAPs (1984 on) to ESAPs to PRSPs (1999 forward)
- resources
- Mark Brawley & Nicole Gaerg Int'l Studies Review, 8th adj, dev & dem. IX 4 2007, pg 601 to 615
- David Craig World Development, 2003 - "PRSPs, a new conversion", pg 53 to 69
- each developing country that wants to have IMF funding assistance, or WB funding, needs to develop a PRSP
- as of 2007, 35 complete PRSPs have been done
- all of these are published on the IMF website
- the World Bank website has an outline of the guidelines on how to write a PRSP and what's required to fulfill this condition
-
- Julius Nyerere
- wrote
- freedom and unity
- freedom and socialism
- freedom and development
- and writings about him
- Cranford Pratt
- classic overview of Tanzania - can be found online - The Critical Phase in Tanzania (up to 1975-6)
- and a lecture at Queen's university on Nyerere in 2001
- John S. Saul
- the critical look at Nyerere
- Review of African Political Economy
- very critical look, very left leaning
- Nyerere died in 1999, and since then a lot of retrospective pieces
-
- Re-democratization
- not africa specific, can look at anywhere in the developing world
- classic
- Francis Fukuyama - The End of History
- suggested that with the collapse of the USSR, history is now over
- liberal democracy and capitalism has triumphed
- Robert Pinkney
- Democracy in the Third World
- Samual P. Huntington
- The Third Wave
- very influential in American foreign policy; presidents consult with him "ad nauseum"
- and The Clash of Civilizations (1993); everyone in international politics has to read this article; followup book 1999
-
- Critical looks
- nobody in the aid industry wants to read these books
- devastatingly critical
- Jean-Francois Bayart
- The State in Africa: The Politics of the Belly
- Patrick Chabal and Jean Daloz
- Africa Works
- suggests that the prospects for a liberal democratic solution in Africa are very dim
-
- Postcolonial theory and postcolonial thought
- a huge area of study on its own
- very influential in sociology and english studies
- Edward Said
- really started the field off with Orientalism
- people have argued over the meaning of a single word in Said's works
- Annie Loomba
- terrific
- Colonialism, Post-Colonialism (2007)
- Bill Ashcroft
- ( good at tennis )
- et al., The Post Colonial Studies Reader
- Pah Ahluwalia
- has taken on Huntington
- how to think from a post-colonial conception
- a lot of documents online
-
- you can do these topics on other regions of the world as well
- some are less flexible (eg Nyerere), but most apply around the world
- can also suggest other topics to JS, who will just check there's enough material available
-
- midterms
- A
- B
- great paper, but either no central argument at the outset, or an incredibly weak conclusion (just repeated the arguments from the entire paper)
- more useful to write a short essay on one of your siblings as a conclusion, than to re-hash the paper
- and sometimes people are scared to take a position on things
- C
- idea that you have to tell him everything
- the "shotgun approach" - i've told Steeves I know all of it!
- on the final, go in and relax - don't worry about putting everything down
- instead of everything, three main factors on the question
- limit the number of things you're analyzing; you can't rewrite the whole course
- D
- F
-
- [[ comments?
- they're pithy comments; not meant to be understood! ]]
-
-
-
- Thursday, February 04, 2010
-
- Kenya: the post-independence period - 1963-1969
- a. the constitution
- b. KANU goals vs KADU & APP & CPP
- c. turn to republic
-
- 20 min late
-
- from independence, has a westminster-style parliament
- candidates are strongly inclined to join parties
- but parties themselves develop along ethnic lines
-
- also a regional system of govt
- a premier and cabinet and regional assembly
- within the regional system, govts are supposed to have their own ways of raising taxes, and control over their own police force, and have their own civil service
- for the members making up regional govts, land is the biggest priority
- primarily for smaller tribes, who are worried that the dominant Kikuyu and Luo tribes (making up 22% and 15% of pop.) would of course dominate the national assembly
- and furthermore enact laws that would allow those two tribes to expand to new lands at the expense of smaller tribes
-
- from Kenyatta and KANU's perspective, this regional system is not what they want at all
- wants a unitary system; argues that this would help
- development efforts, much more effective from a national, nationwide approach
- would prevent "balkanizing" Kenya, where people would identify more with their region or tribe than with Kenya as a nation
- and of course in politics, political leadership is always concerned with power
- so Kenyatta's power is obviously limited by this regional federalism
-
- so what does Kenyatta do?
- we currently have, as executive, a head of state - GG - and a head of government - the prime minister
- so we need to eliminate the parliamentary executive, and create republic system
- where instead of a GG and PM, you'll have a president who is both head of state and head of government
- and also head of the armed forces
- still have this problem where KADU and the APP (coalition parties of KANU)
- so suggested to MPs across the floor that they should join the government
- would probably get a ministerial seat, or get a board of directors position
- and development would occur much more in your area
- KANU put enormous pressure on opposition MPs
- meeting with them individually; and if they were wavering, they'd be invited to the state house, to personally meet Kenyatta, who would cajole or tempt them to cross the floor
- refered to as "poaching"
- in dec 64, Muliro, the leader of Kadu, announced that him and his remaining MPs were joining KANU
- and shortly afterwards, the members of APP do the same
- so you now have a defacto one-party system
- the way is open to create a republic
- the first constitutional amendment put through parliament is to turn kenya into a republic
- usually, in republics you have a legislative body on one hand, and an executive on the other hand
- but in kenya, this was done quite hastily and without a lot of forethought
- so like a parliament, the president still sat in the house of commons, and cabinet ministers were still tied to the national assembly
- so you have a partial presidential system, and a partial parliamentary system
-
- next, a desire to end the regional govt system
- in 1965, started to underfund the regional governments
- and by the end of 1965, passed another amendment to end the regional govt
- so you have a strong president, in a unitary country with a de facto one-party system
-
- ending up with a very big cabinet
- over 30 cabinet ministers, higherups from all of these oppositions that have joined KANU
- very unweildy, but still need to reward politicians for crossing the floor
- so create "assistant ministers"
- who will assist departmental ministers, and have a bigger salary than backbench MPs
- so have 2 assistant ministers for every minister
- so a cabinet of 32 ministers, has 64 assistant ministers
- this makes 96 people, out of a total of 112 people in parliament
- only have 16 backbench MPs!
- the same thing happens everywhere - ethiopia, senegal, mali...
- a way of rewarding politicians
- creating unity in the ranks
- and bringing accountability from below
- as assistant ministers get more knowledgeable and comfortable, they become able to replace the current minister at any time
-
- ministers are responsible to the house in a parliamentary system
- but in the kenyan system, there's something else
- if you show any disloyalty to the president, you're toast
- because the president can just elevate an assistant minister to become minister
- so the president now has enormous power
- in kenya, kenyatta perfected this system
- his sole concern with respect to his ministers, was that the ministers always promote the interest of the govt
- always speak with one voice, his voice
- always remain loyal and praise the prez at every moment
- a phrase - ministers must "sing the praises of the president like a parrot"
- and if you don't, you're out
- so you have a calculatingly powerful president
- and in addition, kenyatta would never directly call a minister into state house and tell them they were no longer ministers
- that would never be done, because then he'd have to confront the ministers
- kenyatta decides alone, and made decisions without confrontational situations
- he wouldn't even craft a letter
- people in the senior public service - ministers and assistant ministers - would learn their fate by listening to the 1:00 daily news
- so if you want to meet a minister, you will never get a meeting around 1 in the afternoon
- because every minister, even today is invariably listening to the 1:00 daily news to make sure they're still a minister
-
- centralized govt, very powerful president
-
- so, the transition to development
- kenya, with 42 separate ethnic groups or tribes
- kenyatta engaged in "ethnic arithmetic"
- making his cabinet include people from every tribe if possible
- and needed to reward people who had fought with him (in the nationalist movement)
- Odinga becomes vice-president and minister of home affairs
- this ministry deals with internal security issues and intelligence services; very important
- and Mboya becomes secretary general of KANU and is given a prestigious portfolio, minister of economic development and planning
- given the development the country is going to embrace in post-independence
- Gishuru, who "kept the seat warm" for Kenyatta before his election, becomes minister of defence
- there's also some nepotism involved here
- kenyatta's cousin Mungai becomes the minister of foreign affairs
- and the king of the Meru tribe, Angaine, becomes minister of development?
- and to reassure european settlers, takes a successful settler, Bruce MacKenzie, and makes him the minister of agriculture
- attorney general is usually appointed for a longer tenure, in order to maintain independence from executive dominance
- the AG becomes a Kikuyu who has an influential law firm in Nairobi, Charles Njonjo
- achieved a status in kenya much like the FBI's J Edgar Hoover
- had sources on everybody
- people feared that - "when Njonjo walks, the ground shakes"
- permanent secretary of the office of the president
- a place for key people who have helped the president's interests - advisors in the OP, the office of the president
- the secretary of this, Mbiyu Koinange, was a cousin by marriage of kenyatta, and the son of (someone important)
-
- so -
- rewarding major contributors
- some nepotism
- tribal representation
- and reaching out to communities not well connected with (eg settlers)
-
- at independence, Kenyatta is 70 years old
- 8 of those years were in detention, in prison (mostly)
- referred to as Mzee, archtypal "elder statesperson" in african politics
- much like Mandela today, respected elderly statesperson
- because of his age, always needed to cultivate an image of strength
- as strong and sharp and wise
- so always insisted that the presidency - and esp his presidency - be on the front pages at every moment
- virtually every TV broadcast during his presidency, the first 10 minutes of the broadcast would be, what Kenyatta did that day
- Kenyans began to have this continuous media indoctrination
- that Kenya was Kenyatta; Kenyatta was the govt and the nation
- any slips he made were edited out
- so he became a father figure of sorts to most kenyans
- something that's true in many DCs
- the presidency is elevated to a god-like status
- a pedestal that's so high, we can't even concede of their life
- the presidency as the heart of the nation
-
- right - development
- Kenya is strategically important, because it has one of the few deep-water ports on the indian ocean
- for the british and american navies, Mombasa is of critical importance
- critical for access to the persian gulf and the indian ocean
- and also, it's the only overland access to Uganda
- many of the states in the north of Kenya, on its borders, are known for instability
- ethiopia, somalia, sudan
- Kenya is a bastion of political stability in the region
- so, strategically critical to western interests, right at independence
- not only does Britain have a continuing interest in Kenya, but so does the "western alliance" and esp. the United States
- so Kenya should be able to expect large aid flows, as well as strong foreign investment
- associating closely with the west will reap economic rewards
- impelling that pro-capitalist path forward, is the prescence of the european settlers
- by 1963, this had grown to 68 000 europeans who called kenya their home
- not just agricultural settlers, but major business actors, professionals - accountants and civil engineers
- and 85 000 Kenyan Asians, who represented the core of the commercial and manufacturing sector in the country
- talented entrepreneurs and traders, very successful
- also favours the free entreprise system
- so a lot of pressure, immediately, to embrace a capitalist path of development
- because Mboya had been educated in the US, was quite westernized, only natural that he would become the spokesperson for the pro-capitalist forces in the cabinet
- arrayed against this was Odinga
- on tuesday, how this conflict takes on a political dimension
-
-
-
- Tuesday, February 09, 2010
-
- Kenya's early independence period, (1963 - 1969) con't
-
- KANU and internal divisions
- Kenya had become a defacto one party state
- as everyone in the opposition crossed the floor to KANU
- but internal divisions within the party quickly became visible
- radicals
- led unofficially by Odinga, the VP and minister of home affairs
- Luo tribe, and leader of the nationalist struggle in the 50s
- and moderates
- led by Mboya, the secretary general of KANU
- minister of economic development and planning
-
- Radicals' prescriptions
- land
- settlers having been given enormous swaths of land
- this should be given to poor kenyans
- poverty
- no economic opportunities for the vast majority of kenyans
- this should be a major focus of the govt
- distribution
- regional equitiy in development
- some tribes and regions were much more favoured with development efforts
- africans shouldn't play tribes off against each other as colonial govts did
-
- Moderate proposals
- land
- "slowly slowly"
- as settlers decide to leave, buy back their farms at fair market value
- promotes stability
- and foreign investors will see that this is a place that believes in peace and stability
- and most of the agricultural production - esp. that for export
- is in the hand of the settlers
- sound economic reasons to not go too quickly here
- immediately turning over these farms to africans would send the agricultural export industry into a tailspin
- economy
- a "high growth" strategy, recommended by western economists
- attract as much foreign investment as possible
- promote those who have entrepreneurial talent in Kenya
- shouldn't put limits on the asian community
- and loans and credits to the advancing Kenyans
- the emerging kenyan elite
- those willing to take risks
- have already initatied economic entreprises; should bank on the strong
- growth as the crucial dimension
-
- what about poverty?
- it'll be alleviated over time
- western economists always put forward the idea of "trickle-down" as a result of this strategy
- "as the tide rises, it'll lift all boats"
-
- and the distribution argument
- about some communities being more advantaged and some being less advantaged
- this could, indeed, become a focus for govt policy
- moderates recognized that this should be addressed
- startling differences in life expectancy between western provinces (41 years) and coastal regions (55 years)
-
- how does this struggle play out?
- radicals seize the initiative
- create the Lumumba Institute
- set up in the Luo city of Kisumu
- funded by soviet money
- brought in instructurs from the USSR to teach young kenyans socialist principles
- aimed at young KANU party members (25 yrs or younger)
- socialist principles and socialist action
- a way of ensuring that the issues important to the radical group would stay on the agenda
-
- moderates argued that this was just a soviet intrusion into kenyan affairs
- the radicals "turning to the east" and becoming communist-dominated
- and a degree of resonance with western allies (USA, UK)
-
- and the radicals quickly wanted a national conference of the party to elect new officeholders - tired of the moderates dominating in the party structure
- 1965 - national party convention
- radicals were preparing for this by trying to take over party branches across the country
- at the grassroots, getting their members as delegates to the next national conference
-
- and third, Odinga becomes more dissatisfied with Mboya
- odinga goes on national tours of kenya; talks about how we need to pressure the govt, move people away from the west and have african solutions
- and how the revolution struggle has been abandoned by Mboya, who would "rather wear western dress than listen to african voices"
-
- growing concern about this by moderates
- in response, Mboya wants a major new national development plan
- flies in economic advisors from the west
- results in "Sessional Paper #10"
- represents Mboya's response to the radicals
- takes on all of their complaints
- a perspective that adopts the rhetoric of the radicals, but keeps the moderate principles
- African Socialism and its application to planning in Kenya
-
- Odinga and the radicals, when its presented to the assembly, are horrified
- almost the opposite of what they were hoping for, in policy
- but radicals were dazzled by the African Socialism in the title
- and it was quickly introduced and passed through the assembly with little notice
-
- Mboya goes to the president
- requests a private audience; late 1965
- recognizes the need for a party conference; lots of calls for it
- suggests a strategy for isolating the radicals in the ruling party, and gets Kenyatta's blessing
- the conference will be held at a small town outside nairobi
- referred to today as the Limuru conference
- march 1966
- gives both sides time to mobilize support at the party branch level for radical - or for moderate - delegates
- 2200 people show up for this conference
-
- Mboya, as secretary general, gets to set the agenda for the conference
- puts "party reform" as the first thing
- suddenly and dramatically presents the delegates with a new plan endorsed by Kenyatta
- and most of these MPs and all of the ministers and assistant ministers
- owe their appointments to Kenyatta; so this carries weight
- instead of having one vice-president of the party, we'll have 8 VPs
- one for each province in the country
- radicals weren't expecting this; there's a heated debate
- Odinga sees this as a direct attack on him by Mboya
- screams at him from the floor
- storms out of the conference centre; some supporters go with him
- those who remain, pass the motion for 8 VPs
- and on top of that, Odinga's name didn't even come up as a VP for his province
- he was incensed, and him and his supporters left the conference midway through
- the remaining delegates passed the new economic development plan, Sess. paper #10
-
- Odinga calls a press conference, as the VP
- given what happened at limuru, and given that the secretary general is "insensitive to the needs of kenyans"
- he is forming a new party, the KPU - Kenyan People's Union
- and he resigns from KANU, from being minister of home affairs, and from being vice president
-
- and with him, 30 other MPs announce their support for Odinga, and their coming switch to KPU
- so about a third of the MPs abandon KANU
- including Bildad Kaggia
- one of the original 6 members arrested with Kenyatta
- impeccable nationalist credentials
- and he's Kikuyu; a political heavyweight
-
- Kenyatta and Mboya are caught in a vice
- 31 members of parliament have changed since the last general election
- convinces the attorney general that it's only right
- that those who have changed from KANU to the KPU, need to face the electorate
- going to have an election
- not a national one
- but for those 31 constituencies of those who defected to the KPU
- immediately helpful:
- 7 MPs who said they were going to the KPU... now decide it's not in their interest to leave the KANU party
- 24 constituencies are left
- the "little general election"
- KANU has to choose people to run against these 24 candidates
- and Mboya introduces a herculean assault on the KPU
- using rules and regulations - and state resources - to sideline KPU
- under the new Public Order Act, to hold a public meeting you need a permit from the district commissioner
- the president of Kenya has the ability to direct district commissioners to act in certain ways
- and DCs are told not to give permits to KPU candidates
- how do you hold an election campaign without public meetings?
- ( continues to be an issue in african elections today - disadvantage for opposition parties in elections everywhere )
- and the KPU doesn't have party resources behind it that you'd need to run a successful campaign
- no widespread grassroots support
- no party warchest
- no offices
- and meanwhile, government funds are used to fund the campaigns of the challengers
- state resources to government-sponsored KANU candidates
- and DCs are instructed to provide vehicles to KANU candidates, and as many meeting permits as they need
-
- so a complete difference in ability to run an election
- between incumbents with state support
- and opposition parties
- ( seen in developing countries everywhere )
-
- and the debate becomes one between radical and moderate approaches
- odinga and kaggia
- why should we need to buy back land that was given away?
- these issues - poverty, development - are becoming inflamed
- and polling suggests that they will likely sweep the elections in these 24 constituencies
- Mboya and Koinange (prez's secretary) are becoming quite concerned
- despite the lack of meetings, and state support for the KANU candidates, the KPU is doing extremely well
- finally convince Kenyatta to become involved
- leave state house and engage in the political campaign
- ( mungai, minister of foreign affairs, goes golfing with JS and fills him in on this )
- concern about Kenyatta's stamina and health
- so didn't go to western province and challenge Odinga in his homeland; would have been an intrusion into Odinga's political space
- but targeted campaigning
- eg central province, where Kaggia was campaigning on behalf of candidates
- Koinange called Kaggia to tell him that the president would be coming to this meeting to speak on behalf of the KANU candidate, so he should come speak on behalf of his KPU candidate
- a lot of pressure on Kaggia
- 20 000 people showed up; because the president was going, the national media was there; openair amphitheatre
-
- at the end of the day
- 7 KPU candidates are elected
- the rest are defeated
- but there's now an official opposition party in Kenya
-
- as far as Kenyatta's concerned,
- there's clearly too much debate within KANU
- too riven by division to be a stable institution in kenyan politics
- and too hard to control
- from 1966 forward, he suggests to let the KANU party atrophy
- the Kenyan government must reassert control over the political space
- before, the provincial administration would answer to the minister of home affairs
- that will be transferred to the office of the president (the OP)
- will be the central entity of government
-
- office of the president
- > president
- > provincial commissioner (8)
- > district commissioner (41)
- > district officers
- > chiefs
- > and people
-
- the best place for establishing authority isn't through KANU, which is too contentious, but through the provincial administeration
- all of these people are appointees of the president
- must remain loyal to him at every moment
- exactly the same structure as the direct rule of the colonial period
- since it hasn't been altered since independence
- we now have an alternative to the political party system
- using direct rule to enhance the power of the president
- ( seen in a large number of former colonial countries )
- every two weeks, the provincial commissioners would travel to the state house and confer with the president directly
-
- this focus on direct rule is the most major change following the KPU-KANU conflict
-
- and also coming out of that, is a politics of loyalty and deference
- created out of tradition; respect for eldership
- kenyatta - old and wise - is going to cultivate this
- kenyans must show loyalty and deference to the president
- and the people he appoints
- DCs and district officers - they are the personal representative of the president
- by showing loyalty to them, you are showing your respect to the govt himself
-
- and the government invests strongly in a National Security and Intelligence Service
- tasked to keep a close watch on the political debates taking place across kenya
- kenyatta is concerned that the radical and opposition movement is continuing to destabilize kenya
- and within the police force, the General Service Unit
- people trained to move swiftly against dissidents
- criminal elements, but also political dissidence
- two major elements, both reporting directly to the office of the prez
- to making sure that radicals are not becoming a threat to the stability of kenya
- the passing of the "Preservation of Public Security Act", 1967
- if ever there is an invidious act, that strikes against civil and human rights, this is it
- gives the president the power to detain any person for any length of time
- and under detention, you have no rights whatsoever
- not, eg, habeus corpus, where you need to be charged within 48 hours, and you have access to a lawyer
- it's different in the states
- but this goes actually all the way back to the magna carta in english common law
- gives the president the power to detain politcial opponents for any length of time
- nothing banning torture, or providing for detainees' rights
- this act, passed in 1967, became the model for similar acts across the developing world
- indonesia, ethopia, zimbabwe and south africa under apartheid
-
- people have to be very circumspect in what they say and do
- narrowing political space
- being severely limited, from 1967 forward
-
-
-
-
- Thursday, February 11, 2010
-
- Kenya: the early post-independence period, con't
-
- about 20 min late, notes here from Jesse:
-
- Kenya: the Early Post-Independence Period, 1963-1969
- Kenyatta and Talk of Political Succession
- KANU had split to form the Kenya People's Union
- Oginga Odinga
- "OO"
- Left KANU after having been pushed out
- Left to contest the 24 byelections throughout the country
- Ended up with 7 elected members
- Continued to challenge KANU's policies
- March, 1969, Machiavelli's fortuna
- Drastic event occurred to change the political status quo
- Kenyatta suffered a heart-attack
- Made many realise his fallibility
- 3 Factions Emerged
- The Key Actors
- Oginga Odinga
- Member of the Luo
- Charismatic
- Mboya
- Member of the Luo
- Much political power
- Subterranean group
- Njoroge Mungai
- Member of the Kikuyu
- Diplomatic; coalition builder
- Kenyatta's cousin; a medical doctor
- Mbiyu Koinange
- Permanent Secretary in the Office of the President
- Kenyatta's cousin
- Kikuyu from Kenyatta's home district
- Extraordinarily powerful behind the scenes
- Very adaptable; very able to find people's weaknesses
- Nickname of "the Razor"
- Second Group of Contenders
- Kaggia
- Radical Socialist
- Strong roots among the poor in Kenya
- Their spokesperson, their hero
- Member of the Kikuyu
- Dennis Akumu
- Member of the Luo
- Trade Unionist
- Younger generation; early 30s
- Very well regarded among workers throughout Kenya
- Third Group of Contenders
- Bruce McKenzie
- Scottish Settler Farmer
- Minister of Agriculture under Kenyatta
- Critical to the land resettlement program
- Pro-Western
- Does not drink
- Charles Njonjo
- Inordinately influential
- Attorney General of Kenya
- Access to files on everyone in Kenya
- Always wears dark blue or grey, 3-piece suits
- Owns property in London
- Business interests in South Africa
-
- Mboya and "First Among Equals"
-
-
- JS: absolutely incredible aside on Njonjo's impeccable suits; possibly his best story yet
- summary: Njonjo has incredible suits with his name stitched into all the pinstripes; must have cost a fortune
-
- Kenyatta's health failing; had had a heart attack
- question of who should succeed him
- around may 1969, "one who isn't here today is the only one fit"
-
- Mboya, however, was shot and killed while coming out of a pharmacy (buying medicine for his sick son)
- causes a major crisis
- Luos are incensed; Mboya was their hopes and champion
- riots and attacking Kikuyu shops and individuals
- looting and fights between police and rioters
- Kenyatta is rushed out of state house to mombasa
- complicated by the lack of any knowledge of who shot Mboya (drive-by shooting)
- on a tip, the police rush into Mathare Valley (a shanty area of Nairobi), and arrest two men
- a gun is found
- but it's really hard to say if they were the right people
- but they were Kikuyu, which only heightened the tension between the kikuyu and luo tribes
- the army is brought in to maintain order
- state of emergency
- slowly stabilized the country
- state funeral for Mboya; kenyatta doesn't attend but everyone else of importance does
- Koinange urges Kenyatta to do something symbolic that would bring the luo people back into supporting the govt
- decided to go visit Kisumu (the major city in Luo territory)
- gives a major speech, or baraza - at a major park in downtown Kisumu
- kenyatta arrives somewhat late
- but odinga and all the luo elders are there, all the luo cabinet ministers
- the archbishop of kenya
- kenyatta talks about how important Mboya was; importance of him, like a son to kenyatta
- but people begin shouting, asking why he didn't attend Mboya's funeral
- some youths on the side being throwing rocks
- but in response, Kenyatta becomes very angry - starts disparaging the luo people; calling them crude terms and unclean
- rocks start flying even more
- people rush the stage; kenyatta's security guards bring out their guns and fire into the crowd
- 16 people killed; 120 people were wounded
- kenyatta was whisked to his limousine and rushed away
- concern that this would have spread to nairobi already, so he went to Nakuru
- kenyatta was incensed; the Luo people were furious
- and kenyatta blamed Odinga for the violence
- told Koinange to "deal with these people"
- all the Luos in the govt (primarily KPU) - Odinga, Kaggia, Akumu
- are arrested for treason and imprisoned
- so the KPU is done
- the political space is narrowed down again (1969)
- almost all of the opposition elements outside the ruling party are in detention
- and the govt takes on the elements of a "neo-patrimonial" regime
- term coined by Max Weber
- defined different regime types
- a patrimonial regime, origin of the term
- neo-patrimonialism, a new form
- in an n-p regime, the chief executive maintains authority through personal patronage, rather than ideology or law
- as well, relationships of loyalty and dependence run deeply, through formal institutions of govt
- the political, administrative, judicial, and military institutions of the country
- all these formal institutions of govt have these relationships of loyalty and dependence embedded in them
- leaders occupy public office not to perform public service, but to acquire personal wealth and status
- so the distinction between public and private is blurred
-
- what happens then - how do we understand the operation of public institutions?
- essentially, personal relationships become the foundation and the superstructure of political institutions
- on top of this relationship is the "chief patron"
- the driving force of the system
- from 1969 forward, since Kenyatta has been shaken by this challenge, the president of the country is to be the chief patron of the political system
- ( african and southeast asian politics are all defined by this "chief patron" model )
- and the reach of this patron reaches from the highest office down to the smallest village
- interconnected - all those who are leaders are expected to show loyalty to the chief patron
- and to make sure their people also profess loyalty to the patron as well
- works through a series of level
- under the president, are
- > ministers
- > assistant ministers
- > members of parliament
- > local notables (people of power locally)
- people are either patrons or clients, or both ( see previous discussion on this )
- so eg for ministers, they are clients to the president, and patrons to assistant ministers (and so forth at every stage)
- an interesting structure of dependence and support
- in return for loyalty and support that clients provide to their patrons, they receive benefits
-
- developing country leaders everywhere tend to fall into this structure
- subsequent Kenyan leaders (including the present one)
- suharto's indonesia
- some latin american countries
- the seminal article on this
- Michael E Bratton and Nicolas van de Walle, "Neopatrimonial regimes and political transitions in Africa"
- in volume 46, #4, july 1994 in World Politics
- WP is huge; if you published an article in there you've made it big
-
- what you do as a politician, is try to build these client networks, dependent on you
- you need to feed these networks with resources (helping people out)
- build as strong of a network as you can; as long as these people are loyal to you, others can't interfere
- which gives you a strong political base to launch your political move when you're ready
- but meanwhile need to be wholly loyal to the current leader above you
- sometimes, in very repressive regimes, the previous leader can simply appoint someone; eg the duvaliers in haiti
- sometimes you can designate a successor, but very often not in the n-p model
-
- cements the power of the chief patron
- since by being able to appoint or demote ministers, can dramatically affect their ability to support clients and thus maintain their own power
-
- in, eg, the indonesian context, you can see how these systems become embedded
- people from the WB and the IMF are always harping about corruption
- they're idiots (!)
- don't understand the neopatrimonial system
- when you add on something else from african tradition - reciprocal obligations
- "i will help you when you're in difficulty, since i know that you will help me later on"
- this patron-client model mirrors the idea of reciprocal obligations
- the patron will support the client when the client's in difficulty
- and in exchange, the client will assist them later on
-
- so it's difficult to not expect such a system to become deeply embedded in developing politics
- and now you know more than the officials at the world bank
-
-
-
- Tuesday, February 23, 2010
-
-
- Tanzania
- dependency approach from 1961 to 196?
- then a legal one-party system
- and finally, african socialism
- with a very strict leadership code for elites
-
- Kenya
- going from one-party system, to the split and the KPU
- and the introduction of assassination
- mythbuilding surrounding kenyatta
- centralized power into the office of the prez
- autocratic one-party system
- neopatrimonial system of govt, which now prevails in many parts of the world
-
- today: Uganda
-
Uganda: post independence, 1962-1971
- immediately post-independence, 1963 and 64
- UPC has 43 seats
- DP led by Bataringya, 24 seats
- and the KY, loyal to the kabaka, 24 seats
-
- UPC and the KY form a coalition, giving them 67 seats
-
- obote and his associates (from the UPC) engaged in political poaching of the opposition
- specifically targeted KY members, to orchestrate a shift
- giving them especially board memberships in parastatals, govt corporations
-
- so by 1964, the KY had slipped to 15 seats
- and the democratic party had slipped to 16 seats
- giving the UPC 84 seats
-
- obote began to contemplate what it would be like if uganda moved to a one-party system
- made a speech in his home area, looking to the south (tanzania) - perhaps it's time for us to move to a one-party system too
- this horrified many people within his own party
- they saw this as a shift towards an authoritarian model of govt, and the centralization of power under obote
- the reason for this disquiet - varied from group to group
- these members were primarily district leaders; very regional focus
- and those within the civil service - primarily bagandans - were leery of this
- saw a one-party system open the door to ethnic preference, and displace the bagandan group
- the acrholi and langi would be rewarded at the bagandans' expense
- and the asian community - the major entrepreneurial group in uganda - wanted to maintain the free market system
- and saw a shift to onepartyism as one step closer to african socialism (as tanzania had done)
- and trade unionists (very strong within the UPC) also opposed this, since one-partyism would probably bring centralized control over unions
- strikes would be forbidden, they'd have to become party toads, etc.
-
- within the opposition, the democratic party was the main opponent to one-party rule
- but by 1964 they were slipping in political influence
- and from 1962, the party leader - Benedito Kiwanuka - didn't win his own seat in the parliament
- a very compelling politician - but outside the national assembly!
- Basil Batarangiya, the leader of the party within the assembly
- leads to a division within the DP, supporters of either kiwanuka or batarangiya
- and kiwanuka - outside of the assembly - was the more radical of the two
- batarngiya was prepared to cooperate with the KPU
- but kiwanuka was mortally opposed to it
-
- Obote - with his
-
- and another lingering question
- the two "lost counties"
- given in 1900 to the bagandans to be under their leadership
-
- but the banyoro people felt these two areas had been excised from them, and wanted them back!
-
- the british decided to adopt the typical british resolve; post-independence, a referendum would be held by the people within the two counties to decide - do you want to continue to be part of baganda, or returned to banyoro?
-
- and obote finally felt comfortable enough to go ahead with this referendum
- esp. since 8 of the remaning 16 opposition MPs were banyoro, and felt this could convince them to switch
- and at the same time, given KY's reduced strength and importance, could use it to end the coalition govt
-
- there was a lot of opposition by the bagandans, eg bussing people into the areas from baganda to get them registered for the vote
- but the referendum goes ahead peacefully, and baganda loses dramatically in the referendum
-
- there's now tremendous pressure on the kabaka and the bagandan leadership to do something in response
- to this "slap in the face"
- and the kabaka calls - issues a decree - in which he states that baganda will now seek its independence, and orders all non-bagandan off of bugandan soil
- "unless you're a bagandan, you don't belong in the homeland"
- bagandan supremacy, or ethnic nationalism
- calling all bagandans to stand together
-
- this is now a major political issue
- bugandan territory is the heart of the country
- it would be a huge loss
- the capital is there
- the industrial centre of the country
-
- the kabaka has successfully forced obote's hand
- but obote tells the army to invade buganda, arrest the kabaka and the bagandan political establishment
- this is led by the army's second in command, Idi Amin
- an interesting character
- a very "bluff and blustery figure"
- comes from northern uganda, an obscure area inhabited by the lugbara people
- bordering on the border with chad
- had very little formal education; up to essentially gr 9
- then sought his future within the ugandan army
- became a staff sergeant, largely because of his statesmanlike pose
- this is during the colonial period, where any african who reached sergeant status would go to Sandhurst in england for officer training
- so really excelled at sandhurst
- came back to uganda as a Lt. colonel
- and as the army was africanized at independnece, became second in command, a general in the ugandan army
- obote was very interested in watching amin's progress through the ranks
- and became quite fond of him
- they were both from the north of uganda
- so obote - rather than asking the brigadier general Apollo - asked amin to lead this invasion
-
- the army was slow to surround the kabaka's palace
- because they came under heavy fire from the palace guards
- pinned at the front of the palace
- and the kabaka and his advisors escaped out the back of the palace
- and jumped in a taxi
- "take me to kinshasa"
- famous line; it's in the congo; almost all the way across africa
- can you imagine the fare? about 1600 miles
-
- so the kabaka escapes into exile; denounces obote as an autocrat and tells bagandans to resist obote and his machinations
- and the brigadier general is happy beacuse he's not too threatened after amin missed catching the kabaka
-
- but obote moves quickly
- declares a state of emergency
- amin and more army forces secure bagandan territory
- and obote decides to divide bagandan territory into 4 areas
- each with a district commissioner
- and the lukiiko - a leadership council of elder bagandans - would be dissolved
- and there would be no successor to the kabaka, as head of state of baganda
-
- if you take a machiavellian view, this is a major moment of strength for obote
- the UPC is now dominant; don't have a KY coalition anymore
- control 75 seats in the national assembly
- allowing obote to amend the constitution (needed a 2/3 majority which he now has)
- the DP, catholic-based opposition party - is in disarray, different ideas between kiwanuka outside the assembly and batarangiya inside
- and most of the KY has become part of his party
- and he's quelled the resistance of the bagandans
-
- but there's an unanticipated problem
- people on the backbenches of the UPC are very concerned about obote's plans now
- a tremendous opportunity for obote to move towards a one-party system and african socialism
- and these upc backbenchers don't want to see an autocratic govt threaten their own influence
-
- now that the dust has settled, Obote goes on a grand tour of the northern region of the country
- recapturing his support base in the north among the acholi and langi
- reestablishing his hold on the northern region
- and he takes Amin with him - the hero of the north
-
- parliament is still in session; obote decides he'll take a 10-day tour of the north
- and will leave things in the hands of his cabinet ministers; nothing serious should come up
-
- one of the backbench MPs, Daudi Ochieng
-
- amin - very boisterous individual - walks into a bank in uganda with a large gold bar
- wants to have it evaluated and deposited into his personal account
- since it's amin, the bank obliges
- weighs it; $32 000 - a tremendous amount of money to just fall into one's lap
- makes the media; rumours begin to swirl
- emerges that amin might be trading modern arms and weaponry for gold with rebel groups in the Congo
- an arms for gold smuggling operation
- major focus of the Daily Monitor, uganda's national newspaper
- and if Amin knew or was implicated - did Obote know?
-
- and for the opposition - with Obote out - this is the time to strike
- Ochieng stands up and says he has evidence that not only has amin been involved, so has obote
- holds up bank account statements
- and the speaker is flustered; allows the bank accounts to be tabled as evidence and debate to be held
- and over the debate, more people join in - more backbenchers, then the head of the DP, and then surprisingly, some cabinet minsiters! speaking up against obote about these smuggling accusations
-
- and meanwhile, a lot of UPC ministers and MPs are out with Obote on his northern trek
-
- a motion is put to the floor, seconded, and passed - a motion of no confidence in Obote's govt
-
- a phone call goes through to track down the PM, who's in Gulu
- that a motion of no-confidence against him was passed
- the speaker dissolved the national assembly; elections wil have to be called
- Obote is incensed; he trusted his ministers to stay on board
- and 5 of his ministers have defected to the opposition
- so Obote returns to the capital, calls his cabinet ministers together...
- then arrests those 5 ministers for treason
- and essentially runs a coup against his own party
- declares a state of emergency
- suspends the national assembly
- and assumes executive power
- and finally, orders Amin to go into the major cities and maintain order
- and those 5 ministers will be held under indefinite detention until the situation stabilizes
-
- the immediate next thing
- rather than calling new elections or forming a new coalition govt
- introduces a new constitution
- with a dramatic restructuring of political power
- establish a republic
- and the previous PM will become the president of uganda
- both head of state and head of govt
- the country will lose their traditional kingdoms and status
- and the entire country will be brought under control of a central administration
- and further, the office of the pres will be strengthened, including a special presidential guard
- an elite security unit to handle the president's security concerns
- and ministers must clear all major policy statements with the office of the president
- ministers are thus "de-clawed"
- and the military also comes under direct supervision of the president
- and obote sets up a judicial inquiry into the arms for gold controversy
- largely to try to maintain Amin's good reputation
-
- 1968 had major instability; but by 1969 much quieter
- Obote gives a major speech, "may day speech" on may 1st
- huge crowd assembles
- he announces a fundamental change in Uganda
- he has looked to the south (tanzania) and decided that it's now time to move Uganda in a new direction
- a commitment to African Socialism
- the ugandan economy is now strong enough to take a different path
- rather a strategy based on growth, it'll be one based on distribution
- moving resources away from the extremely wealthy, and address the needs of ordinary ugandans
- and articulating something very basic and new - a much more participatory society
- the "common man's charter"
- obote senses that the problem in uganda now is the ethnic divisions
- and Bagandans asserting their primary role in society, and the resentment this causes among other tribes
- a new political system, where MPs need to win support not just in their home areas, but also in other areas
- Uganda divided into 4 political regions
- to be elected, need to receive 25% of the popular vote in 3 of these regions ( ? )
- so need to be a truly national candidate, rather than representing a particular small area of your own tribe
- and also, 25% of the national assembly has to be represented by women MPs
- and if not enough women ran or won as candidates, the president would be responsible for appointing sufficient women to meet 25% of the assembly
- the president would declare certain constituencies void and replace their elected rep with a woman he appointed
- this reform - "document # 5" - stimulates a huge academic debate in Uganda
- Ali Mazrui, prominent political scientist, thought this was a great way to overcome ethnic divisions
-
- obote goes on tour to sell this new reform
- first stop, the town of Jinja, june 1969
- new african socialism, the common man's charter, and document #5
- about halfway through his speech
- a young bagandan pulls out a gun and shoots Obote, shouting the name of the kabaka as he does so
- obote only lost 3 teeth; incredible stroke of luck
- now, creates a special intelligence service to protect the president
- and keep tabs on invidious groups
- a senior officer from MI5 goes to uganda to assist with setting up this intelligence service
- ( the british - always hopeful )
-
- and another close shave - going to a commercial meeting, but falls ill and sends his VP instead
- the VP's motorcade is sprayed with bullets; the VP survives
- but it really makes Obote much more aloof; feeling under seige and spending much of his time reading intelligence reports
-
- in the parliamentary tradition, there's the auditor general; officer of parliament
- can only be removed by an act of parliament
- and 10 year terms
- the executive can't interfere with your career and try to fire you
- in dec. 1969, the auditor general presents his annual report to the parliament
- and the auditor general has discovered that $26 million US has been unaccounted for in the defense budget
- he's determined it's gone elsewhere, but doesn't have the resources to find out where it's gone
- but one of the related imprests - what you use to draw money out of the govt account - has Amin's signature on it
- so this matter requires further investigation
- even though the UPC is still dominant, backbench MPs are concerned with the influence that Amin has
- this parliamentary uncertainty is enhanced with the assassination of Brig General Apollo
- a very suspicious car accident; turns out he was thrown from the vehicle... then shot
- Amin becomes the brigadier general of the army
- but related to this investigation, Obote temporarily places Amin under house arrest in october for 4 days
- the head of the intelligence service meets with Amin, trying to figure out where the $26 mil. went
- Amin maintains it was for equipment for the army, and pleads his innocence
- there's no proof against Amin, house arrest is lifted
-
- Obote is somewhat confused about the situation
- this money has disappeared
- amin is implicated in it
- and now that Obote has his own elite pres guard - made up mostly of people from obote's own tribe
- and this national intelligence service
- obote feels much less dependent on the army
- and has lost trust in Amin
- and so Obote tells him that Amin needs to provide detailed accounting of the $26 million, or he'll be arrested after Obote gets back from a meeting outside the country
-
- the CHOGOM
- january 1971
- the commonwealth heads of government meeting
- important meeting - discussing Southern Rhodesia
- strongly associated with the apartheid regime in south africa
- has been blacklisted from the commonwealth
- for continually preventing the black majority from political participation
- but needs to deal with this issue
- the security service suggests to Obote that it would be foolhardy to leave the country now
- he's confronted Amin
- and it's still a state of emergency
- and there's elections later this year
- but because there's so much pressure about the rhodesian issue
- everyone is going; all sorts of commonwealth PMs and presidents
- so Obote decides he'll attend
- flying out on an East African airways charter
- takes his finance minister and a number of foreign affairs ministers, public servants, etc.
- to attend this conference
- conference opens
- tremendous debate on rhodesia
-
-
- but back in Uganda, people hear rumbling in the streets
- tanks and armoured vehicles
- Amin - with loyal divisions of the ugandan army - has led a coup d'etat
- phone call goes through to signapore from the office of the president
- that Amin has moved against him; has control of Kampala, but no where else
- but has declared on the radio that he has taken control
-
- next time - what Obote does
- from Steeves... who was there!
-
-
-
- Thursday, February 25, 2010
-
Uganda: the post-independence period, 1962-1985
- 1) the coup d'etat - jan. 1971
- Obote and counter-strategy
- 2) the amin period
- early reaction
- asion exodus & reaction
- turn to arab support - muslim faith
- increasing repression
- opposition mobilization
- the invasion
-
- so Obote, out at the CHOGM meeting in signapour
- got a phone call that troops had massed in the capital
- but troops loyal to obote had moved out of the capital and into eastern uganda
- closer to the border with kenya
- most of these loyal troops were from the langi and acholi tribes
- so Obote and his ministers plan to travel back to uganda
- and hope to quickly mount a counter-strategy
- Edward Luttwak - the manual on how to carry out a coup d'etat
- don't bring this book with you if you're flying into a developing country
-
- steeves was in nairobi, kenya when this was all happening
- at the norfolk hotel
- student on a scholarship
- booked a room in the old wing of the norfolk, cheap rooms
- jan. 20 and 21st; had already been in kenya for a year and a half
- friends with the norfolk staff
- gets a phone call from one of the staff
- has news - coup in uganda by amin
- and obote was coming to nairobi - to the norfolk!
- he always stayed at the fancy cottages in the old wing of the hotel
-
- mungai gets as many cabinet ministers as he can together that night
- since kenyatta has gone to sleep and koinange refuses to wake him up
-
- obote's plan - kenya was going to send a battalion of troops to the kenyan border
- escorting obote and several of his associates
- and they'd cross the border and get obote to his troops in eastern uganda
- and then obote was going to make his move on kitebe then the capital
- mungai (kenya's minister of foreign affairs) and the kenyan minister of defense
- that message went through from mungai to obote that they had agreed to do this (but had to check with kenyatta)
-
- mungai comes to breakfast with kenyatta and koinange
- mungai tells kenyatta he had discussed this informally with ministers
- koinange very much against; uses the traditional argument - if kenyan troops cross the border into uganda, it's an invasion into uganda and violates their sovereignty
- as a member of the UN and the african union, it's a violation of both charters for kenya to violate the sovereignty of other states
- kenyatta very alarmed that a coup had taken place
- have a tendency to provoke coups in neighbouring countries
- in '64, army mutinies in uganda, tanzania and kenya
- but not sure
- mungai suggested that obote and kenyatta were close
- might have been a mistake to bring up
- mungai leaves while kenyatta is still thinking about it
- leaving him with koinange, who is strongly against the invasion
- about an hour later, koinange - not kenyatta - calls obote and tell him kenya is unprepared to support him
- obote calls tanzania's state house
- nyerere himself calls him back
- obote always remembered how the president of tanzania called him back
-
- in uganda,
- officers arrested and taken to the state research bureau
- tortured, often
- other acholi members of the army went up into the north, buried their weapons and disappeared into the civilian population
-
- obote goes to tanzania in exile
- nyerere gives obote the cottage next to his in tanzania
- and then nyerere calls kenyatta and reams him out for letting down obote
- the east african economic union collapsed as a result of this disaccord between kenyatta and obote
-
- back to uganda
- once things stabilize, widespread celebration in uganda
- students and trade unionists celebrating
- were wary about the common man's charter
- and academics were impressed with amin (at least at the start)
- but amin's cabinet, although he maintained many ministers from obote's cabinet, he'd run it as if it was a military organization; also giving orders to the cabinet that were sometimes contradictory
-
- most commercial entreprises, small shops, etc., were owned by asians
- about a year into his leadership, Amin says he had a dream
- ( leaders having dreams is usually a bad thing; martin l. king is probably the only exception! )
- and he orders the entire asian community in uganda to leave
- and no asian would be allowed to take any valuables or property with them when they left
- only allowed one suitcase
- about 48 000 people, many who own substantial properties and entreprises in kampala
- or spread throughout the country running small shops
- a political crises for east africa - where are they supposed to go?
- for asians who didn't take out ugandan citizenship - which wasn't important really - they were given status B visas
- you could visit great britain, but you couldn't settle there
- so some of the asian community made their way quickly through uganda to mombasa
- and some rich asians in mombasa chartered boats to take these asians from uganda to britain
- seeing britain as responsible for bringing these asians to africa in the first place
- these ships would arrive in britain, but the british refused to let the people off these ships
- but they had B visas to enter britain
- many had to turn around and go back to east africa, or to india
- about half of the 48 000 settled in either kenya or tanzania
- but about half went back to india, had no other choice
- and the indian authorities didn't really want to take them back either
-
- this asian community has left
- amin has eliminated the commercial and merchant class in uganda
- imagine if we banished every businessman from canada
- you can imagine the economic disarray
-
- some excitement in kenyan and tanzanian africans (among people JS talked to) - did you hear about uganda? africans now own shops and those asians are gone!
- lots of excitement among east africans
-
- but not what you would hope would happen
- amin mostly gave out these businesses as rewards to his supporters in the military
- and the assets of these businesses would be run into the ground quickly
- quite a different thing to run a business as to run a military battalion
- massive patronage by amin; giving these shops and businesses to soldiers
- and as soon as the shops ran out of goods, the shelves would be empty and not replaced
- import/export trade collapsed entirely; and basic commodities became very hard to acquire in rural uganda
- so you had the turn to a black market, magendo
-
- for ugandan rural coffee producers, no longer had asian traders to sell it to (before, was processed in uganda and then shipped)
- so now, smuggling operations came up, people shipping coffee beans across the borders to sell in kenya
- and these smugglers exploited coffee farmers very heavily
- so rural uganda collapsed to a certain extent too
-
- western entities became very wary of amin's leadership
- donor or lending countries scaled back
- and western companies - eg Barclay's bank - wound down their operations
-
- so as the west turned away from uganda
- Amin turned to the arab world
- had another dream in which god told him to turn to the muslim faith
- amin became quite close to Gaddafi in libya
- at the time gaddafi was very at odds with the united states, since he supported the palestinian liberation organization
- and saudi arabia
- so amin "turned to the north", the arab world, instead of the west
-
- meanwhile, Amin became very repressive
- crushing any opposition
- state media put under careful control
- independent media was basically eliminated
- professors at kampala university had to make sure they spoke well of amin during lectures
- and people began disappearing
- arrested at night, brought to the SRB
- state research bureau
- tortured there
- then either jailed,
- or the "nile solution"
- Murchison Falls - had a crocodile pool at the base
- people would be thrown into it
- anyone who had been killed - the SRB would leave their shoes at the state of the road
- to let people know that that person was gone forever
-
- around 1978, opposition began to mobilize with some urgency
- soldiers in rural uganda were out of control; looting and raping
- amin was out of control of the army in many cases
- and amin himself was extremely repressive
-
- opposition groups forming; along the kenyan and tanzanian borders
- the Uganda National Liberation Army
- youths would come to tanzania and join up with it
- had the tacit support of the tanzanian govt and nyerere
-
- question about more horrific stories, cannibalism by amin, etc.
- steeves - had some friends who disappeared; doesn't want to go see "last king of scotland" which looks at Amin's rule
-
- the SRB informed amin that tanzania was funding the UNLA
- amin sends a batallion to the tanzanian border
- and orders them to shell villages across the border
- nyerere was incensed
- sends troops to his side of the border and tells them to be prepared for anything
- some ugandan troops then entered (maybe on their own accord?) and looted a village
- this was what nyerere needed
- called Moie (new prez of kenya); nyerere thought he should let him know that he was about to invade tanzania, and wanted to know if he was interested in joining
- said that Moie didn't have any steel in his back, after moie declined
- the tanzanian defense force was ordered to march to kampala (uganda's capital)
-
- as soon as word came out that tanzania was invading uganda, amin called Gaddafi
- who sent 5000 troops to support amin, flown in to uganda
- the libyan troops discovered that tanzania was advancing very successfully; tremendous armored division
- and that the ugandan troops were fleeing, looting villages as they retreated
- so the libyan commander said no, we're leaving
- and went back to kampala, then left
- so the tanzanian army surrounded kampala
- amin fled to libya, to tripoli
- the remnants of the ugandan army fled to the north and the east
- the UNLA captured much of the army in a pincer movement as they came in from the east
- again, many of the ugandan military forces buried their weapons and disappeared into the civilian population
-
- interim govt established
- the tanzanian army would play a role like the US in postwar japan
- 1979, interim govt, was supposed to move quickly to adopt a new constitution, and move forward with new elections by 1980
- tanzania was a very poor country, and this invasion was costing the tanzanian govt millions of shillings
- nyerere didn't want the country to go too deeply into debt over this
- so wanted the interim govt to move quickly
- wanted UNLA as the new army in uganda, train police and maintain order
- major conference in Arusha, tanzania
- with all elements of the ugandan opposition
- opposition parties
- representatives of the baganda establishment
- etc.
- the idea that it was important to appoint as head of this govt, someone unconnected from the past
- from neither amin's regime or obote's period
- chose Yussef Lule, an academic
- vice-chancelor of the university in kampala
- political science professor
- became the first chief minister of this interim govt
- would form a cabinet
- predominantly a mix of military staff of UNLA, and former civilian ministers
- but Lule started issuing orders without consulting cabinet
- enjoying all the perks of highest office, rumors he transferred money to offshore accounts
- and removed from office within 60 days
- ( JS: disappointing, what does that say about political scientists! )
- godfrey binaisa
- the former attorney general under obote
- moves more quickly
- begins removing members of UNLA military out of the cabinet
- and recruits more civilians into cabinet
- emphasizes a welltrained police force
- and focuses on military discipline esp. in the rural areas
- can't be any looting or raping
- the coffee marketing board is reestablished with professional staff
- and calls out to asians that uganda is again a place where they're welcome
- convinces major asian entrepreneurs to re-establish the import-export trade
- a very positive force here
-
- asian entrepreneur friend of steeves;
- left in 72, goes back in 79 - and his house is pristinely, just as they left it
-
-
-
- Tuesday, March 02, 2010
-
Uganda - Post-Independence Alternation
- 1. Binaisa & interim govt
- a. military commission - ch Paulo Muwanga
- b. alternative militias - Ojok & Museveni
- 2. May 1980
- 3. December 1980 elections
- a. contenders
- b. campaign
- c. results
- 4. the second regime
- 5. jan. 1986
-
- Godfreid Binaisa
- needs to reconstruct the police force
- and rebuild the economy
- which had been run into the ground
- bringing back the Asian commercial community
- and winning back donor support
- mainly from the former colonial power, GB, and the US
- two intractable problems
- the liberation of Uganda from Amin
- was really a Tanzanian operation
- the TPDF
- very few ugandans were actually involved in the military campaign
- something near 1000 soldiers; very small component
- so in march 1979, didn't really have an established military force
- Amin's troops scattered and disappeared
- so creation of a military commission
- chaired by Paulo Muwanga
- added complication - he was very close to Obote
- and Muwanga was appointed to the position by Nyerere (Tanzanian PM), knowing this full well
- so Binaisa is undercut by Muwanga's prescence
- every time Binaisa makes a move to reform the police force or army, Muwanga contradicts him
- Nyerere really answered the question if Muwanga was the prescence of Obote in this shadow govt
-
- the other problem
- two alternative militias were formed, when Amin's forces dissipated
- one, led by Ojok
- a military commander during the Obote period
- thought by many in the former pre-Amin ugandan army to be an effective military officer
- so recruited unemployed youth to join his militia
- with financial support from the Asian commuity
- the other one, led by Museveni
- was very young, very brash
- had studied at the university of dar es Salaam in tanzania
- at a time when it was a very radical institution
- studied political studies (hooray!)
- was a Bantu from the Ankole people, south-western uganda
- great cattle people, herders
- because of that, could be quite aggressive
- eg seizing land from other tribes in uganda
- and have a Rwandan connection
- among the Ankole, a lot of intermarriage with Rwandan women across the border
- with Amin controlling Uganda, Museveni volunteers to join another resistance movement,
- FRELIMO, trying to oust the portuguese from Mozambique
- a guerrilla movement
- fighting the portuguese by getting public support in rural Mozambique
- Portugal conceded defeat in 1975
- Museveni saw this (in early 70s) as a way to get experience in guerilla warfare
- became a communications officer with Frelimo
- would educate people about empowerment at the grassroots
- convince people that Frelimo was in their best interests
- and worked very closely with women in rural Mozambique
- telling them they'd be given a voice and equality under a Frelimo regime
- so was a very young, radicalized student, getting experience in guerilla movements in Mozambique
-
- unlike Ojok, whose militia was recruited from within the major urban centres (about 8000 men),
- Museveni started in the rural areas, with a message speaking to rural people's lack of voice
- of 80 000 young ugandans
- and knew how to train them in light warfare and guerilla operations
- used grassroots approach to funding
- giving rural areas security and safety, and they'd provide him with some funding
- and all these buried weapons caches, people would tell Museveni where they were
-
- Binaisa was stuck
- no success in army and police reform because of Muwanga
- and these two burgeoning militias
- much stronger than ugandan national army at the time
-
- in 1980, Muwanga struck
- as head of the military commission, announced that Binaisa's govt would be no longer
- and elections would take place in dec. 1980 to establish a new civilian govt
- and declared that all ugandans were welcome to come back to Uganda, asian and african
- this was of course the cue for Obote to come back to Uganda
- a triumphant moment for nothern ugandans - eg Acholi and Langi people - who were really behind Obote
- Muwanga is overseeing the reconstruction of the electoral system and the elections
- assures that everyone will have an equal chance
- but is very close to Obote
-
- 1980 elections
- the UPC is back, with Obote as its leader
- and the Democratic Party
- led by Ssemogerere
- very strong among roman catholics, about 1/3 of the population
- and a whole bunch of smaller minor parties
- but no participation by the Bagandans, eg the old KY party
-
- a few things disturbing from the outset
- 17 seats in the national parliament, nobody runs against the UPC candidates
- the commonwealth election observer group arrives in december, very concerned by this
- becomes evident later that many individuals interested in standing for the DC had been forced to step aside, or threatened
- supposed to be equal access to the media
- the statecontrolled media favoured the UPC strongly
- and in both the registration of voters and the election itself
- a reconstituted military was present at the registration and voting stations
- roadblocks and police with heavy weapons
- intimidates voters
- when you see military at voting stations, it's not a good sign
- and finally, Muwanga decided that - since there's only 2 parties - there'd be two separate ballot boxes
- you'd line up in a line behind the box for the party you wanted to vote for
- no secrecy about who you're voting for
- makes it very intimidating to vote for the DP, esp. in UPC strongholds
-
- but - almost surprisingly - things turn out not
- people (not just roman catholics) are very wary of Obote
- he had really turned to being an autocratic leader
- and he had suggested - again at this election - making Uganda a one-party state
- many ugandans didn't like this
-
- so the election observers, the BBC world service, all the results from international observers
- indicated that the Democratic Party had one
- voting was heavily weighted towards the DC
-
- people took to the streets, celebrating the DC victory
- seen as a new page in Ugandan political history
- obote had tried and lost, and the democratic party had won
-
- but Muwanga declares
- further votes hadn't been tallied yet
- and the DC hadn't won
- Muwanga puts pressure on the electoral commission
- and the UPC is declared the winner
- Muwanga has the support of Ojok's militia and elements of the ugandan military
-
- meanwhile Tanzania pleads innocence, and stands aside
- many Ugandans dissatisfied with this
- figured it may have been Nyerere's plan all along, to get Obote back in
-
- tremendous external criticism of the new Obote regime
- mostly based on the BBC reporting of the consternation surrounding the election results
- backs off the comment that uganda should be a one party state
-
- distribution of power in parliament
- is 51 UPC seats
- 23 for the DC
- and 18 distributed among the minor parties
- interesting thing here, is under the '62 constitution, need 2/3rds of the national assembly to alter the constitution
- and the UPC doesn't have the 63 seats required to do so
-
- public is somewhat reassured by the fact that the UPC can't unilaterraly change the constitution
- Obote becomes much more moderate in his approach
- wants to be more open to the international community
- Binaisa had been very skeptical about the IMF and World Bank
- interestingly, Uganda didn't have a huge national debt post-Amin
- the economy had been run into the ground
- and govt had collapsed
- but not a lot of debt as seen in some comparable countries
- and Binaisa wanted to maintain this
- Obote, rather, decides to implement in full the Structural Adjustment packages of the IFIs
- deregulating the economy
- privatizing what state corporations are left
- and opening up the economy to international players
- reaching out to international community, and trying to build int'l credibility in this way
-
- a further problem
- although Ojok is onside with Obote, because Ojok supported Muwanga...
- Museveni is furiously not on board
- sees this as an illegitimate govt who stole the election
- must resign immediately
- or face grassroots resistance
-
- interestingly, many disgruntled DP supporters, some of them substantial business interests, are worried about Obote and his govt
- so surreptitiously channel funds towards Museveni
-
- so Museveni has 80 000 young Ugandans in his militia
- expands to 120 000 within a year
- and he has the understanding of how to mount a guerilla campaign
- and now, even more funding from people who don't like Obote
-
- Museveni calls a press conference (!) and declares he's going to take this war against Obote to the bush
- and will militarily undermine Obote's govt
- taking the Frelimo approach, and applying it to Uganda
- going into the west
- and parts of Baganda, fringe areas
- and establishes control over what came to be known as the "Luwero Triangle"
- in west-central uganda
- controlling a huge area of rural uganda
- and despite obote's effort over the next four years, it's impossible to dislodge Museveni's control over this area of uganda
-
- so the situation now
- Obote's strength is being sapped by trying to control Museveni
- and Museveni's war in the bush is being led by what he now calls the National Resistance Army
- Museveni is so successful that, by 1975, it's apparent that the ugandan national govt cannot control large areas of rural uganda
- what Museveni does is go into an area, sets up "resistance committees", (or councils) RCs,
- would call people together in a local assembly
- and tell them, he's going to establish public security, law and order in the area
- and anyone who created havoc against you and your family - from Amin's regime - will be brought to justice in a people's court
- and anyone in my forces, the NRA, will act justly, highly disciplines
- no looting, raping, etc.
- anyone in the NRA who does so will be shot in your prescence
- and, you decide how to setup a resistance council; i won't decide for you
- you can have an election, pick local leaders, etc.
- you can decide what development projects you want, what crops to grow
- and we'll assist you with the projects you choose
- so Museveni's forces were highly discliplined; in cases where looting did occur, NRA members who did so were identified and shot
- and not just military stronghold, but creating widespread public support
-
- and Obote has created even more resentment by promoting his favourite northern tribes in the creation of the Ugandan army
- a coup in 1985 by military commanders in the ugandan army
- interestingly, these commanders warned Obote that they'd be moving against him
- so Obote fled the country with his family, and cleaned millions from the treasury on the way out
- so moved to Zambia and lived a very luxurious life there
- owned properties all over europe
- replaces Obote, and lasts a month
- these commanders recognize they can't oust Museveni's NRA
- which controls 75% of Uganda
- so they propose a coalition govt with the NRA
- the talks break down
- Museveni's delegates are very firm, and come from a position of strength
- Museveni's forces finally surround Kampala
- and take control of the country
-
- Janurary 1986, comes into power
- immediately rolls the NRA over into the NRM, the National Resistance Movement
-
- the neighbours
- Tanzania, under Nyerere, became a legal one-party system and embraced african socialism
- led by a founding-father, charismatic figure
- a party-mobilizing regime
- the political party is dominant
- you need to be a member of the party to advance
- to be a civil servant or in the military, need to be part of TANU
- no political opposition
- and ideology is very important
- often, have an egalitarian tendency to them
- everyone is either a worker, or a peasant
- and often led by charismatic figures
- Kenya was, into the 1970s and 80s, a de facto one-party system
- also led by a founding-father president, Kenyatta
- but, not committed to african socialism
- but following a mixed economy
- a commitment to the private entreprise system, but recognizing a role for govt
- an administrative-hegemonial regime
- the political party is significant only during elections
- and the administration itself is the main force
- an adminsitration that demands loyalty
- often very autocratic and repressive
- senior public servants, military and police
- are dominant in the society
- civil society is tolerated, but very weak
-
- back to Uganda
- had seen a democracy, to an autocratic system, to a dictatorship, to military commission... where to go from here?
-
- Museveni constructs a political system that lasts from 1986 to the present day
- says that the problem in Uganda - and Africa generally - is, if we allow a multi-party system, where we have competivite parties contending for power
- given the ethnic divisions in African countries,
- political parties are going to inflame ethnic divisions
- and be associated completely with ethnic groups
- (eg the UPC, associated completely with the Acholi and Langi
- and when in power, favours these two to the exclusion of everyone else
- and the DC, partly the catholic party
- but also really dominant in the Bugandan area)
- so parties foment resentment and division between ethnic groups
- regional divisions
- people don't see themselves as one, but as divided by politicians who take advantage of this to further their own power
-
- what he's going to create in uganda, is a "No-party system"
- doing away with political parties; they're divisive
- so with the NRM, going to create a highly decentralized system of government
- once you're outside of a national capital, people in rural africa are largely voiceless
- don't have a political voice
- dominated by a few elites, who use ethnic appeals to get votes
- and then don't listen to rural people's needs once elected
- when do you see politicians out here, aside from elections?
- so - you are going to make the decisions that affect you - using the resistance councils as a base
- will raise taxes, and decide on local development priorities
- and will be a fully-elected system
- every two years, will have elections of these councils
- if someone on the council is being self-serving, you can replace them in two years
- and the administration will support the decisions made by your councils
- 90% (?) of ugandans live in rural areas; they should be able to make the decisions that affect them
- education
- health
- land
- agriculture
- coops
- transport & roadbuilding
- etc.
- going to try this decentralized govt
- central administration will be concerned with
- foreign affairs
- military
- large development & infrastructure projects, eg dams
- and managing the economy
- but says, don't ask me what to do - tell the govt what you want, and we'll try to respond to your needs
- only restraint being financial resources
-
- so, what about the economy?
- M. suggests it would be misplaced for uganda to try to implement a regime based on a socialist alternative
- looking at western countries, are all embracing the free entreprise system
- needing a strong foreign sector to drive economic development
- so rather than swimming against the tide, as tanzania is doing, swim with the tide
- embrace the free entreprise system
- welcome foreign investment
- encourage free and open civil societies
- an open media
- encourage the asian community to return in force
- provide economic opportunities to ugandans
- and rebuild our export industries
- and drawing on int'l funding to reconstruct for the initial economic stimulus
- but wants a uganda that is self-sustaining
-
- from 1992 to 2000, something fascinating happens here
- from '86 to 92, Uganda's economy - the GDP, value of all goods produced domestically - is increasing at an average of 3%
- this is a country of 26 million people (about 19 mil people in 1986)
- up until mid-80s, population grew at an average of 3.8%/year
- so the rate of growth of economy wasn't matching the rate of growth of the population
- from 1982-83 on, Uganda had been devastated by aids
- which slows Uganda's population growth
- so by 83 to 89, population growth drops to 2.1%
- and from 1992 to 2000, under Museveni, has had an economic growth rate of 6.5%
- unparalleled in africa
- outdoes even South Africa
- from 2000 to 2008, somewhere between 7.4 and 8.2% per annum
- an enormous achievement
- this is the rate of growth of the miracle Asian tigers
- south korea, taiwan, signapore
- Uganda's economy has strength now
- one of the strongest in sub-saharan africa
- that doesn't say anything about poverty and poverty reduction
- when you have an economic growing at that rate
- and wealth growing in rural society
- you see a very strong attachment to the govt
- this economic success is largely responsible for Museveni's continuing public support
-
- back to the AIDS crisis
- in early 1990s, you'd drive into a village that was completely empty
- beautiful schools and churches
- whole village was gone
- a lot of it as a result of aids
- villages were devastated, people had to leave
- what to do about HIV/AIDS?
- estimated at one point to be 32% of the population infected
- that's a third of the population
- Museveni mounted very early, and very quickly, a campaign against hiv/aids (expensive but widely successful)
- had these councils up and running from 86' forward; were really engaged by 91
- used these bodies to educate people about safe sex and aids prevention
- is now at about 6% - this could be a high estimate (2003)
- has turned the country around
- did it with these local resistance committees
- billboards everywhere, well-lit
- proclaiming safe sex and what to do
-
- if the economy is a revolution, so is the anti-aids campaign
- WHO officials study uganda as the role model for anti-aids campaigns
-
- next class - political dynamics in the no-party system
-
-
-
- Thursday, March 18, 2010
-
Tanzaria: evaluation
- Kikweke and CCM dominance
- Carothies' "the end of transition paradigm"
- democracy promoters
- democracy deficit
- Top down democracy
-
- in the elections,
- Kikweke captured more than 80% of the popular vote for presidency
- and his CCM capturing 2/3rds of the assembly
- even given the intorduction of multi-partyism
- still completely under the control of the original ruling party
-
- the question - to what extent does multipartyism incfluence democracy
- Thomas Carothers, an academic Icon
- argues that most western academics continue to think that developing countries are in the process of transition to democracy
- this process began in 1990, and is moving forward with great momentum, towards a final stage of democratic consilidation
- the final stage in transition to democracy
- most academics continue to remain optimistic
- that countries have embraced democracy and the entire works; we'll all be democrats at the end of it
- Carothers argues - this transition paradigm is false
- in many DCs, we may not end up at this final point of democratic consolidation
- we'll only get maybe halfway there
- many DCs will be in this gray zone, between authoritarianism on one hand, and democracy on the other
- half authoritiarian and half democratic
- autho. political leadership, but also a degree of democracy in terms of competitve elections
- the democracy promotoers - who are enthusiastic and optimistic about DCs embracing democracy - need to become realistic
- in the gray zone, we'll find
- those commited to "feckless pluralism", or those which are one-party dominant
- what you'll find in the "feckless pluralism" states, is a wide range of parties competing for power, and an occasional turnover of power
- but what happens, is we're cycling political elites
- the same political class is continually in power, it's just different faces emerging
- see this most clearly in terms of the ANC
- Mandela, Mbeki, to Zuma, but ANC still rules
- or in the one-party dominant systems
- no matter how many elections are held, one party remains dominant
- eg Tanzania with the CCM
- even with a multi-party system, the CCM will never be displaced
-
- so we should ask the democracy promoters
- ask them to be much more realistic in the way they interpret democratic efforts in the third world
- we may never get to a full-fledged democracy
- so we may need to accept what carothers calls "a democratic deficit"
- having some
- freedom of expression, speech, assembly
- but no real changes in terms of regime alteration
- current regimes are pretty well entrenched
- the political class isn't going to change substantially over time
- and people who criticize the party too deeply may be oppressed or jailed
- while opposition parties may still be sidelined in various ways
-
-
- Hyden presents another look
- has studied tanzania from 1968 to the present
- and says, really, we need to be more than just realistic about tanzania
- yes, it's not a full fledged democracy
- the CCM is deeply entrenched, might not ever lose an election
- but the reason for this, is that TANU (and then the CCM)
- it's a populist political party
- yes, tanzania may not fulfill the conditions of democracy that we in the west hold up
- but we shouldn't worry about tanzania, because people are inherently satisfied with TANU/CCM
- if they weren't, they'd vote them out of power
- this party was created by a true African stateman; has had leadership turnover at the top, continues to revitalize itself, and in the popular mind, people see the CCM as being sufficient - being the legitimate party of rule in tanzania
- we're not going to get democratic consolidation, where parties are taking over from each other
- but there's significant renewal of the party, with 5 and 10 year elections, making it a democratic force
- "top-down democracy" - the west has insisted on multiparty elections, forced on tanzania
- but the country is indeed democratic
- people are overwhelmingly satisfied with the rule of the CCM
- from Nyerere to Mwinyi to Mkapa to Kikweke
- every 10 years we've had a leadership turnover
- is that any different from 2-term presidents in the US?
- perhaps Carothers' halfway point is more suited to african democratic cultures, than the west would really think
- we should rethink our view of democracy
- african democracies aren't going to end up like us, they'll have their own creative form of democracy
- tanzania, from hyden's perspective, truly is democratic
-
- uganda
- no party system transformed into a multiparty system, but with autocratic leadership under museveni
- and tanzania
- a singleparty system transformed into a multiparty system where one party is very popular and well supported
-
Kenya: a semi-authoritarian regime
- a country in the grey zone carothers talks about
- but one that is more autocratic than democratic
-
- KANU party, combines the Kikuyu and the Luo party
- starting from 1966, many luo people left and went with Odinga's KPU
- eventually Odinga and the KPU were banned
- and the KANU became the dominant force again
- minus the participation of some luo people
- was a de-facto single party system from 1969 forward
-
- interestingly, Kenyatta - the president of the country - really had no real interest in KANU
- as far as he was concerned, the party was only significant at elections
- an electoral tool
- every 5 years, we gear up the party, put funds in and run candidates
- and a semblance of democratic choice
- but between elections it was largely irrelevant
- the real structure of power in kenya was the provincial system under kenyatta
- administration, to PC, to DC, to DO, to chiefs
- members of parliament were expected to support kenyatta in elections, and would be rewarded by them
- all of these mps maneuvered to gain more influence from kenyatta
- but kenyatta moved more and more power into the office of the president
- ministers had very little influence over policy
- really only there to biuld a support base for his regime
- didn't trust them to make policy decisions
- in the office of the president, Kenyatta entrenched one of his deepest supporters, Mbiyu Koinange
- ( very large man; when gettnig out of the back of his mercedes, needed to be assisted )
- a cousin of kenyattas, from the souther-most district of central province
- considered an "inner kikuyu", since he was in the circle of power
- Kenyatta leaned on Koinange heavily
- to keep him tuned into what ministers were saying, how things were going
- the minister of state in the office of the prez
-
- after VP resigned, kenyatta looking for a replacement vice-president
- asks Koinange who he'd recommend
- suggested Daniel Moi
- kenyatta surprised; Moi considered "kidogo sana", very small
- not a big deal; seems insignificant
- comes from a small obscure tribe, the Tugen
- and koinange replied, yes, but he's deeply loyal
- will never challenge kenyatta
-
- so Moi becomes VP of kenya in 1969
- serves as kenyatta's VP until kenyatta's death in aug. 1978
-
- kenyatta
- his minister of state koinange
- Moi as his VP
- and Dr Njorge Mungai
- known as the 3 K
-
- KPU banned; kenyatta has by all measures complete control
- things are not always what they seem
- this is why political science is interesting; less of a science
- things aren't measurable, particularly when dealing with human behaviour
- but there is a problem - there's always a problem
- a young Kikuyu activist in the early 1950s
- well educated; went to prim. and secondary school
- and interested in writing
- prodigious writer from a young age
- and became involved in student politics in his secondary school
- when the Mau Mau insurrection began, the violent insurrection to the colonial govt in 1952
- this young individual joined a shadow group of intellectuals who supported the militants but weren't militants themselves
- and was caught up in the sweep; arrested and charged with sedition
- and put into detention
- to the same detention centre as kenyatta
- his name, Josiah Mwangi Kariuki
- a northern kikuyu from nyeri district
- while in detention, wrote in his diary every day
- and every day during exercise period, he'd bump into p eople like kenyatta, kagia, superstars in detention
- and kept this journal
- in 1960, released with a lot of other detainies; kenyatta still being held
- went back to nyeri and worked at his father's farm
- the priest in his area, invites him to have tea and talk about his experiences in jail
- josiah told him about the diary, and suggested the priest read it then they have tea
- the priest was stunned by the writing; with josiah, makes a copy and sends it to friends england
- and send it off to a publisher, penguin books
- penguin paperbacks have a huge audience
- Mau Mau Detainee
- became a best-seller; penguin was enormously impressed
- and made josiah a fortune; became a millionaire, receiving royalty cheques that would boggle the mind
- cheques each year up to 250 000 pounds, a fortune for a young kenyan
- applied for a position with kenyatta, became his private secretary
- from 1961 to 1969
- people often astounded by this, but people who knew him knew he was very talented as a writer
- wrote drafts of speeches for kenyatta
- encouraged by kenyatta to run for parliament, and become minister of tourism
- already had a name abroad, so would go abroad and promote kenyan toursim in europe and North america
- was very close to kenyatta
- right around the time that kenyatta decides to ban the KPU and odinga
- koinange was getting concerned, a group of backbench MPs who were becoming outright critical of kenyatta and his policies
- Jean Marie Seroney
- Martin Shikuku
- interestingly, when they stand up in parliament, they attack government ministers
- for failures of their ministries and mistakes by their civil servants
- what is said in parliament, remains in parliament
- you can't be prosecuted for anything you say in parliament
- part of the tradition of parliamentary supremacy
- and they were joined in this, by Kariuiki
- unlike seroney and shikuku, Kariuki was much more shrewd
- would slash at ministers and assistant ministers for their bungling, and the failures of govt policy
- but would always suggest, either ending or beginning, with the phrase - "if the president only knew..."
- of the failures addressing the problems of the landless, etc.
- so never criticized kenyatta - very astute
- became known as the 3 musketeers
- shikuku - abaluhya tribe
- seroney, a nandi
- and karuiki, a kikuyu
- koinange suggested kenyatta call karuiki into his office
- karuiki coined a phrase - "kenya becoming a country of 10 milionaires, and 10 million paupers"
- met in the presence of koinange and mungai
- kenyatta, saw karuiki like a son
- karuiki knew what suffering they had gone through, what kenyatta had gone through in the colonial period
- said, just be patient, JM
- things will turn around - but don't need you to criticize us so severely
- tone it down, you're becoming too critical; many ministers are complaining
- they don't even want to go to parliament for QP, you're being too annoying
- so karuiki went away (this was about 1973)
- right around the time the budget was being introduced in june
- minister of finance stood up and presented the budget
- Mwai Kibaki
- a kikuyu from nyeri district; knew Kariuki's father and the farm
- the budget is full of promises and innovative strategies
- but there's always a budgetary debate
- this begins; karuiki stands up and assails the budget
- a budget for the rich, not the poor
- and slashes viciously at kibaki
- much of this is carried live on kenyan television and radio
- here's kariuik, in the regime's face, on national media
- when koinangi saw this, state media was given a warning by koinangi to never carry anything in the media by karuiki
- and the editors of the two national newspapers were told not to carry karuiki anymore
-
- the quiet appeal by kenyatta didn't work, so we'll turn to muzzling him
- and koinange comes up with a plan
- in 1974, going to have elections
- so we'll challenge karuiki in his own constituency
- challenge him politically
- KANU will put up a strong candidate to run against him, who will be heavily financed
- able to pass out pamphlets and 50 shiling notes to people
- koinange explains this to the district commissioner for the area
- and also tells him that karuiki won't be allowed a license to hold a public meeting during the campaign
- how do you run a campaign in this way?
- karuiki knows koinange is trying to implement this strategy
- suggests to his wife that all will be well; the people will support him, he'll be safe
- the worry "they could go very far..."
- decided the only way to circumvent this
- was printing 30 000 elaborate pamphlets outlining what he had done and would do in parliament
- written in kikuyu, and swahili, and english - very impressive
- had people pass those out
- the opposition candidate was touring the constituency with govt vehicles, govt loudspeakers
- handing out packets of food, etc.
- with support from the chiefs, etc.
- shortly before the election, was karuiki's birthday
- invites the entire constiuency - 30 000 voters - to come to his farm for a beer and beef roast
- for his birthday party
- streamers and balloons everywhere
- people could take hot air balloon rides, etc.
- koinange was infuriated; tells the DC to shut the place down
- the DC comes there with 8 police officers
- the DC
- and Karuiku comes out happily, gives a beer and beef skewer to the DC and says "welcome to my birthday party!"
- meanwhile the crowd surrounds the 8 police officers
-
- karuiki got overwhelming votes
- opponent only got 4200
-
- back into parliament
- karuiki wasn't diminished in any sense
- state harassment made him more reknowned
- people would line up in the galleries, lining up for hours to listen to him speak
- went on for a few months, then in march
- koinange told kenyatta, that karuiki was being disloyal and not muting his criticism
- kenyatta told karuiki that he must cease
- using the swahili expression, kwisha, which means finish
- no more criicism in parliament
- karuiki left; according to people there, looked sufficiently humble
- kenyatta may have beat him with his walking stick
- the last week of parliemtn, karuiki isn't dismayed at all by kenyatta's warning
- continues to make speeches
- telling the govt to address the problems of the poor, the landless and the unemployed
- koinange tells kenyatta that
- kenyatta was very disturbed by this
- koinange took mungai with him
- "finish him, mbuyu" were the orders
- what does this mean, finish him?
- here it gets complicated
-
- in addition to having a lot of money
- giving out land to poor people
- and giving out huge donations at public meetings, often embarassing ministers
- he also loved horseracing and race horses
- had bought some arabian horses , and would run them in races at the nairobi racetrack
- the british form; horseracing a big thing
- ( the royal family, always at horseraces, or polo matches of course )
- the elite of the elite is there
- some betting is done, but really not much
- but it's all about appearances, la creme de la creme
- and light drinking, social event
-
- race comes up, saturday march the 1st
- he's torn about either going to the races
- or going to his farm in the rift valley
- books passage on a bus, on an express (elite) bus
- makes an STC bus look sick
- built by Scania in sweden
- need a booking, reservation like airplanes
- booked passage on a bus to go home on saturday
- but meets some friends, who invite him to stay longer that weekend, go home sunday
- called his wife, said he wasn't going to go home for the weekend, was going to stay
- asked her if she wanted to come to nairobi
- but she decided to stay home
- march 1st, 1975, at the bus station, there was a huge exploision
- and an express bus was blown up just as it was leaving the terminal
- 27 people were killed, about 40 people were injured
- this was the same bus that karuiki had booked a reservation on
- the bodies are taken to the nairobi mortuary, the injured to the hospital
- a call goes into the national newspaper
- the male voice said it was the result of the "masiki (poor ppl's) movement"
-
- so karuiki goes to the races anyway
- now ministers who are sort of westernized often eat at the hilton hotel in downtown nairobi; has a restaurant on the main floor
- JS boycotts it on principle
- must be "seen" at the hilton grill, according to his diplomatic friends
- the lunches are extraordinarily expensive
- the only way you can sense you're in africa at this hotel, is the big elephant tusks at the front door
- otherwise looks like the hilton cairo, or signapore
- karuiki loved to have the cheeseburger at the hilton grill
- some friends and him decided to have lunch at the hilton, then go to the races
- he's eating at the hilton
- right in front, there's a road used as a taxi stand
-
- two cars pull up at the doors, each with GK plates
- one, a mercedes, one a land rover
- people dressed in the intelligence getup - black suit, red tie, white shirt and white socks with black shoes
- exit the cars with Ben Gethe, from the GSU - government services unit - paramilitary intelligence unit
- gethe whispers something into karuiki's ear, they go talk at the side
- karuiki asks a hotel staff to tell his friends that he has to leave
-
- in the land rover, someone on the sidewalk witnessed, was an individual named Patrick Shaw
- a huge british european
- worked for biritsh intelligence during the war, and now works for the office of the president as intelligence officer
-
- these two vehicles go off, go to nyayo house
- the office of the provincial authority
- and the bottom two basement floors is where people are interrogated and detained before going to prison
-
- that was the last time karuiki was seen alive
-
- about 630 that evening ( everything seems to happen at 630 )
- two young masai boys are playing games; on trails at the top of the rift valley
- near Ngong, on the outskirts of nairobi
- and they heard gunshots, so ran back to their village, reported it to their grandfather
- tells them to stay in, and in the morning the GF would go look
- and there, propped up against a tree, was an individual who had been shot
- 3 in the chest and 2 in the head
- so devastating, couldn't tell who it was
- this area is known as "hyena valley"
- often people in gangs, drug deals gone bad, etc.
- deposit bodies on this trail
- because before anyone got there, the hyenas would have picked these bodies clean
- to went to the Ngong police station
- after about a 3 hour delay, jr. officer takes a landrover with the GF and goes to the tree
- picks up the body, brings it back to the police station
- and it's dropped off, unrecognizable, at the nairobi mortuary
-
- meanwhile, kariuki's wife is getting very concerned
- hasn't heard from JM, who normally calls every day
- in question period, that afernoon, Shikuku stands up, asks Njonjo if he has any knowledge of where JM karuiki might be
- the VP, moi, was present in the house, so shikuku asks him; he doesn't know but he'd inquire
- the next monday, shikuku asks again
- they both say, he booked an air ticket to zambia, but they're sure he's safe
- by the end of tuesday evening, karuiki goes to nairobi, and friends talk to her; they don't know where he is
- something is wrong, go to all the hospitals
- no sign of him
- she says, I think he's dead; wants to go to the mortuary
- people knew who she was; couldn't just walk in
- so she disguised herself to get into the mortuary
- and said she was a relative of someone who had died in the bus crash
- and the 28th person in the mortuary - unrecognizable, but had their wedding ring on his finger
-
- this is a crisis
- on wednesday in parliament, shikuku goes after the attorney general and moi
- the papers are all covering the story
- people are trying to climb over each other and attack
- Moi breaks down in tears, collapses on the floor of parliament
- and Njonjo had to be escorted out by security
- parliament had turned into a mob; one of theirs had been killed
- sets up a parliamentary select committee of inquiry
- which will include seroyney and shikuku who would report in june
-
- remember Gethe and shaw; back next time
-
-
-
- Tuesday, March 23, 2010
-
Kenya: from Kenyatta to Moi
-
- Karuiki fallout
- parliamentary commission
- implicated
- gethi - gsu
- hinga - pc
- nderi - cid
- shaw - nis
- and koinange - op
-
- people at the highest level of the kenyan govt
-
- brought the initial report to state house
- kenyatta and koinange there
- whited out gethi's and koinange's name
- parliament in an uproar
-
- in nairobi on march 2, from any year forward, there's a march
- often led by members of karuiki's family, demanding a public inquiry and a prosecution of those implicated
- ends at freedom corner, a major intersection in nairobi
- over time, interest in the karuiki murder hasn't fallen off; the march gets bigger every year (~15000 people)
-
- june 1975
- seroney and shikuku continued harsh criticism of the govt
- and were subsequently imprisoned
- "when the hawk is in the sky, the chickens better be careful"
-
- real decline in the opinion of state house
- people thought he should really have fired koinange
- but kept him in his office
- and feelings that kenyatta was senile and had lost his political touch
-
- "Change the constitution movement", 1976
- wanted to change the clause in the constitution that gave the VP the presidency if the president died or was incapacitated
- a general movement among backbench MPs to move the poltiical succession in their favour
- didn't want Moi to automatically become president if kenyatta died
- and kenyatta was quite ill
- had become a very weakened present; not just because of the karuiki incident
- but also physically ill
- would call cabinet meetings, and not show up
- political events with him had to be altered or cancelled
- so Moi the VP became the spokesperson for the regime
- took on the role of head of state at public functions
-
- two groups
- one that favoured Moi
- and then the Change the Constitution group, who wanted someone else to become the new president
-
- word reached kenyatta that this was afoot
- that people didn't want Moi as his successor
- kenyatta personally hadn't had any preference for a successor
- figured he would live forever
- and told Njonjo to head off this change the constitution
- it was now a crime to imagine or propagate the death of the president
- so all talk of the succession - of who would succeed kenyatta - would be a criminal act
- the intelligence service was alerted
- and many MPs were threatened with jail
-
- the Change the constitution movement fell off the table as a result
-
- also because of this - not widely known - kenyatta suffered a major heart attack in early april 1978
- his physicians got him through this; he recovers
- but clear that his days were numbered
-
- his inner circle, including mungai his physician, declared that some dramatic step would have to be taken
- many in the inner circle were fearful that moi would not be so friendly after
- concerned with keeping power among the kikuyu people
- in June 1978, the east africa medical conference was taking place in nairobi
- inner circle decided it'd be important to take advantage of this moment
- assess his health and recovery
- so an invitation went out to a very famous heart physician - Christian Barnard
- world famous because he had been the first heart surgeon to perform a heart transplant
- did this at the Goote Shur hospital in J'berg
- and did it to Barney ...soemone
- lived for 90 days afterwards, still remarkable
- subsequent ones were more successful
- Barnard was the keynote speaker of this conference
- while there, B. examined kenyatta over the period of two days
- question was posed - could K.'s heart condition be treated, and kenyatta become a possible candidate for a heart transplant
- concluded - no, kenyatta was too weak, wouldn't be able to survive transplant surgery
- and having examined his heart, concluded that his days were very limited - lucky to live another 3 months
-
- never seen this in print, JH just knows because he's talked to mungai
-
- kenyatta dies in his sleep on august 22, 1978
-
- the question - who is to succeed kenyatta?
- this transition is remakrably peaceful
- it was inconceivable to think of kenya without Mzee (kenyatta)
- because he had been elevated to such a high status
- and was a founding father of the ocuntry
- had ruled from 1963 to 1978
- very powerful and charismatic force
- even though from 1976 had declinded
-
- problem somewhat mitigated - by the constitution, Moi becomes acting president for 90 days
- and within the inner circle, some feeling that kenya needs a smooth political succession more than it needs to keep a kiyuku president
- Moi being ...luo? kinange? check this.
- two people
- Njonjo, the attorney general
- appointed officer of parliemtn
- given a seat there as a nominated MP
- and appointed for 10 year terms
- Kibaki, minister of finance
- considered the architect of kenya's economic growth
- which was very successful at the time
- and seen by the US as a very successful minister
-
- both of these men are kikuyu, but from different regions than kenyatta and the rest of his inner circle, and not quite as close to him as the rest were
- those being
- koinange
- gichuru
- and karume
- the 3 key players of kenyatta's govt
-
- so Njonjo informs all the cabinet minsiters there will be an emergency cabinet meeting
- august 25, 1978
- moi is there, but doesn't say anything
- njonjo stands up and introduces "the president of kenya", pointing at moi
- right away, locks in people's minds that moi is now
- not a lot of people that in tune with the consittion
-
- so njonjo and kibaki make a motion that all the ministers there will make a pledge of loyalty to Moi
- so moi becomes not just the lead, but the only candidate in the succession
- at the KANU conference, Moi is the only candidate nominated
- and in october, Moi becomes president
- and names Kibaki as his VP
-
- Moi as president
- what is this going to look like?
- moi was never really in kenyatta's strong inner circle
- and wasn't part of the same kikuyu
-
- works with njonjo and kibaki carefully
- brilliant move: calling it the "Nyayo" presidency
- in the footsteps of kenyatta, leadership in kenyatta's footsteps
- and because Moi had been travelling, representing kenyatta for 2 years, people identify him with the presidency already
-
- JS himself
- not really impressed by moi
- many people telling him - really don't htink moi is up to it
- talked to mungai, talked to gishuru's close people
- thought he wasn't strong enough, too weak
- not a powerful person, muted voice
- the kikuyu called the moi presidency "a passing cloud"
- at some point, moi would just fall off the table and a kikuyu would take over power
- would have to replace him
- because for many kikuyu, the presidency belonged to them
- and should really be reinstated in the "house of Moombi"
- way way back,the mother of the kikuyu people was referred to as Moombi
- what about moi himself?
- he's very tall - about 6'3
- not big, but impressive
- as a kilengin, bottom middle tooth is removed as an initiation
- but has an interesting smile, not a warm smile, but "i know what you're thinking" smile
- carries not a flywhisk, but a black irungu, a stick to beat off enemies
- and always dressed impeccably
- unlike kenyatta, who sometimes looked a bit scruffy
- moi asked njonjo, how do you have such impeccable suits?
- a tailor on saville row in london
- attorney general of kenya would fly to london when getting his suits made, and would get suits for Moi as well
- and if alterations needed to be made, suits would be couriered back to london to that tailor
- suits - that look substantial
-
- friend of JS working with CIDA
- opening a kenyan technical training project
- built from the ground up with canadian funds
- teaching welding, etc.
- and since canadian funded, getting canadians in kenya to come, so invites JS
- the president will be there, feast afterwards, etc.
-
- another kenyan friend, invites him to meet Moi
- and JS... why didn't I wear a suit!
- wearing khaki pants from american eagle, lots of pockets
- loves these pants when overseas; good pockets for passports
- and a white t-shirt
-
- Moi snips the ribbon, all these speeches
- friend says, wait till the meat feast
- president will eat, then he's going to meet people, circulate
- umbrella'd area outside, Moi was meeting a long line of people
- 2 hours later
- introduce jeff steeves, a professor from canada
- moi's eyes lit up
- steeves, again
- talks to steeves in swahili, how he hates these events
- and replies in swahili, moi was surprised, remakrs how moi had been meeting people all day
- wants to leave, JS asks about keeping talking
- and moi invites JS to his car
- as the president leaves, nat'l anthem played
- JS scruffy looking, leaving with the president
- mercedes, smooth ride, drinking tea with the pres as the car careens towards nairobi
- talking politics
- very hard times; people are scheming against him
- once in the car, talking in english
- invites him to talk to his associate, bwarant
- wants to stay circumspect
- but invites JS to have supper with him at his house in nairobi
-
- asks what JS thought of him?
- wears the mantle of power well
- only other person with that ease of having power, was trudeau
- always seemed very comfortable with being in power
- didn't get that sense with chretien; very nervous, twitchy
- trudeau was indifferent about being PM
-
- was Moi a passing cloud?
- didn't seem like that to Steeves
-
- shortly after becoming pres
- introduced some very popular reforms
- a free milk program for all kids attending primary school
- announced very suddenly, in nov. 1978, a decree freeing all political prisoners
- and restored their full political rights
- and any property seized from these people while in detention, would be returned to them at the expense of the kenyan govt
- seroney and shikuku, a breath of fresh air
- and for many other political prisoners under kenyatta
- increased sense of openness
- less self-censorship by the media
- more political debate
- and a speech in late 1978, asking why so few kenyans owned land, and why a few kenyans owned so much land
- a land reform program
- came right at the moment...
- under british common law, your estate has to become public information - how much property owned, money, debt
- ...when kenyatta's estate was made public
- he had 16 separate farms
- had grabbed enormous amounts of land
- and about $250 million US in overseas property as well
- in rural england, etc.
- had enriched himself as president of kenya
- suddenly people realized how much land kenyatta had
- a slap in the face to them, almost
- right then Moi announces the importance of land for the landless
-
- and Moi announces he wouldn't live in state house on the hill
- but in his own home, Kabarnet Gardens
- nor was he going to engage in the same public adulation that kenyatta had done
- that people would have to send traditional dancers to dance in front of him in state house
- or adulate him in any way
- that kenyatta had really sought
- he also didn't want to be the feature story on the nat'l news every day every night as kenyatta had been
- didn't want that degree of attention based on him
-
- so on one hand, continuing in the footsteps of kenyatta
- but also taking on an open, more populist approach that was popular
-
- but - didn't mean he was insensitive to the intelligence community
- even loyal ministers had dossiers on them
- and moi would read these big binders of intelligence information
- intense in the way he kept an eye on things
-
- odinga had once said of moi, in his book, Moi is like a giraffe
- tall and slim, and he can see trouble coming from a long way off
-
- that's the impression you got of the early Moi period
- he kept most of kenyatta's ministers
- but he pushed Koinange out
- Gishuru would remain as minister of defense
- but Karume is also out
-
- Nicolas Biwott is brought in
- minister in the kenyan government
- a kilengin from the rift valley
- very close to moi, from the same ethnic community
- interesting thing about biwott
- this guy about 5'3 standing in the middle of a market
- exceptionally powerful
- had moi's ear
- people had to go through him to talk to Moi
- but not who you'd immediately think were very powerful
- Simeon Nyachae
- later, becomes minister of state, but at this point moi's secretary
- is a Kisii person
- Gideon Moi, one of moi's sons
- very astute politically
- Moi's other two children are powerful in the business community
- and Joshua Kulei
- head of security for the president
-
- everything is going well
- but now, with the political openness, dissent comes out into the open
- kikuyus begin to feel, by late 1981, that this presidency is not a passing cloud
- and the presidency will be lost to the kikuyu people
- Moi looks like he's entrenching himself ever more deeply into power
-
- decision is taken by some - mostly kikuyu officers in the air force
- begin to talk informally about the necessity of overthrowing the govt
- to carry out a coup d'etat
- only thing that will get rid of moi
- some of these air force people begin talking to mid-rank people in the army
- ( always that dissent in the military; mid-ranks resentful of the senior leadership )
-
- so, going to have a coup on august the 4th
- preparations are made
-
- every august, the president of the country takes a month at the coast in Mombasa
- Moi loves the coast, because state house mombasa is exquisite
- the kenyan coast on the indian oceans, always hot, white sand beaches, warm water
- and the president opens the agricultural society of kenya's exhibition there
- most of the senior minsiters would be with him, as would his entire security service, at the coast
-
- all being planned
- air force officers are ready to move
- but in july, the army people pull out - skeptical of whether it'd be successful
-
- now, air force officers are in a quandary
- move the date forward to august 1
-
- seized both the airports, all the roads going in and out of nairobi
-
- capturing all the govt buildings, including the post office
- important so noone can send telex money out of the country
- and captured all the broadcasting buildings
- and announced on evening of aug 1
- that they had taken power
- and moi was out
- right next to the broadcasting center was the university
- students poured out into the streets celebrating
- when there's a coup, you loot
-
- telephone call goes out to the coast
- moi is disconcerted and stunned
- no way to return safely to nairobi at the moment
- so Moi calls the commander of the army, the army chief of staff
- Jackson mulinge
- interestingly, is a kikuyu by marriage, but a komba
- calls mulinge's home; one of the kids answers
- "this is the president of kenya, can i speak to your father?"
- kid was so excited, puts the phone back on the receiver by accident
- and njonjo goes back on the phone, calls
- asks for mulinge and gives the phone to moi
- "are you with me or against me?"
- so the army moves against the coup plotters
- violent sturggles take place around nairobi
- and order is restored
- plotters flee to wilson airport, get on a govt plane and fly south
- as soon as they leave kenyan airspace, ask to land in tanzania
- by this time tanzanian authorities know what's going on
- and much to moi's chagrin, nyerere gives them permission to land
- moi never forgave nyerere for giving sanctuary to these plotters
-
- some were brought to trial, some executed, but most of those responsible survive
-
- once you've had a coup attempt against your govt, things change
- what was striking to moi, was that this was almost exclusively a kikuyu plot
- to restore a kikuyu presidency
- and responds by pushing all the kikuyu in his cabinet out
- many old-line kikuyu politicians in KANU will be quietly eased out, and told not to run in the next elections
- control shifts away from the cabinet, and again increasingly into the office of the president
- moi becomes increasingly powerful and autocratic
-
- and the mdeia is required to censor itself again
- politcal opposition is told they will no longer be tolerated
- and the political openness, early, is closed
-
- and he elevates younger kikuyu people into his cabinet
- but people he is assured of their loyalty to him
-
- and intelligence is everywhere
- moi was increasingly unwilling to tolerate any dissent
-
- and ran a govt now based on severe loyalty
-
- and drew on the period when kenyatta
- expects his ministers to "sing his praises like a parrot" as he did under kenyatta
-
- Moi-ism
- everything revolves around the power of daniel aric moi
- instead of relying on cabinet and parliament
- he'll rebuild KANU, and ensure through it that everyone is deeply loyal to him
- and becomes very machiavellian
- keeps people always kept off balance
- even powerful ministers
- noone knows how moi thinks of them
- and cycles and demotes ministers all the time
- "the professor of politics"
- anticipating the scent, and killing it before it becomes threatening
- like a mongoose with snakes - always mobilizes first
-
-
-
-
- Thursday, March 25, 2010
-
Kenya: post-coup strategic shifts
- the legal one-party system
- in the maneuverning that went on after moi came to power
- one of the interesting things
- Odinga began to reassert himself
- was pushed out of KANU by Mboya
- then formed the KPU
- which was then banned and he was placed in detention
- was released from detention in 1972
- because his health failed while he was being held in prison
- most prisoners in Kamiti Prison
- really a death sentense if you have any health problems
- cold and dank; usually underfed and undernourished
- bronchitis, stomach-borne diseases often, dehydration and diharrea
- odinga's health declined rapidly in fall of 1971
- didn't want him to die in kamiti prison
- then to some extent, built his health back up
- turned attention to business and family affairs
- and stayed off the political map
- but in teh spring of 1982
- met in london with strategists in the british labour party
- who thought it was appropriate, the time for an opposition party in Kenya
- the Kenya Socialist party
- and would be challenging the Moi regime
- this stirred fears in the Moi inner circle
- the very politically astute inner circle
- they concluded that a challenge like this, so early into moi's presidency, would cause chaos
- Bawat and others convinced Moi that it was time
- since KANU dominated parliament
- to pass a motion with sufficient support to amend the constitution
- and create a legal one party system, by law
- the motion passed easily
- an amendment to the constitution
- section 2A
- said that Kenya was officially and legally a one-party system
- there could be no challenge to Moi
- with respect to the formation of an opposition party
- Moi's next concern politically was preparing for the 1983 elections
- this idea that there might be tension or opposition forming in Kenya - so early in the presidency, and having just surwvived a coup d'etat
- Bawat especially concerned
- so prepared the landscape for the election
- by revitalizing the party itself
- a lot of funding going into rebuilding KANY
- as a strong, tightly organized and sophisticated political machine
- party branch elections would be held, some for the first time in years
- would have substantial accomodation at the branch level
- very elaborate offices
- sophisticated communications systems
- and well-paid branch officers
- this would give Moi the opportunity to filter out parliamentary candidates
- "political filtering"
- ( JS wrote an article on it once )
- that those who stood for the national assembly, would be beholden to the president
- demonstrating how strong KANU had become
- and to opposition candidates, how their chances had been reduced
- Moi himself was deeply committed to this revitalization of KANU
- documents would be brought to his house from the intelligence services
- trying to calculate which candidates would best serve his interests in a newly elected political assembly
- generally, two candidates would stand for party nominations
- both running for KANU
- contesting against each other for a political seat
- and Moi was insistent on ensuring that the one who won would be that who would best serve his regime
- as the campaign began, Moi demonstrated how into this he was
- by travelling to every parliamentary constitutency
- and coming and telling people to vote for one of the two candidates
- "if you electe candidate B, good things will happen to your constituency!"
- making the party become another lever for his government
- just like the provincial administration, etc.
-
- Moi, after the coup, was also still very concerned
- Njonjo as attorney General
- and Kibaki as VP and minister of finance
-
- "the troika" of power
- Moi was now more hesistant
- wasn't certain about Njonjo and Kibaki anymore
- since the coup was led by Kikuyu officers
- and both Njonjo and Kibaki are kikuyu as well!
-
- so he concocts a brilliant scheme
- ( JS loves his political style )
- the problem, Njonjo is very powerful
- as the attorney general, Njonjo accumulated files from the intelligence service on a wide range of people
- teachers
- politicaisn and MPs
- jurists
- businessmen
- ministers, etc.
- Njonjo practically had his own intelligence service
- and he was in a very strong position
- since it's an appointed position, for 10 year terms of office
- and that was renewed in the dying days of Kenyatta's administration, so good until 1988
- the only way to prematurely remove him from office, would be a motion in parliament
- given KANU's dominance, that normally wouldn't be a problem
- but he had so many files on people, that MPs were scared of him
- so unlikely they'd vote to reject him
- and Njonjo was a very careful man
- only had one wife
- had business interests both in kenya and abroad
- always filed his corporate tax returns
- kept receipts for everything
- ( one example - got into a huge argument with a barely literate coffeeshop owner who wasn't going to give him a receipt )
- and he'd never pull a tiger woods
- so very careful
- what to do then?
- he'd encourage Njonjo to think about entering politics
- becoming a candidate for office
- he was thinking - Bawat with him
- that if they can convince him to relinquish his title and run for office
- then they can elevate Njonjo to a senior ministerial position & portfolio
- and he'd certainly be elected; give him a safe seat and run a weak candidate against him
- and then, say to Njonjo, the reason i want you in cabinet
- is that you orchestration to power,
- once you've served as a senior minister, then in the 1988 elections, i'll make a commitment to you to step down and make you my successor
- promising Njonjo "something big" in his political future
- that Njonjo could become president of kenya was dangled in front of him
- Moi was very serious about this
- had a supper and long evening discussing how he wanted Njonjo to be his successor
-
- so Njonjo went away from this supper
- and agreed to do this
- sent a letter of resignation to Moi as attorney general
- and announced he'd run in a nairobi constituency (daiguretti) as a Kanu candidate
- the 1983 elections went forward
- and sure enough, a high proportion of candidates that Moi endorsed, were elected to the assembly
- some associates told JS that of the 188 elected members of parliament, they reckoned 112 of those were people publicly endorsed by Moi
- just talk, no hard data
- but still significant
- and not surprisingly, Njonjo sailed through
-
- Njonjo was appointed the minister of constitutinonal and home affairs
- right under the ministery of finance and the minsitry of foreign affairs
- very influential position
- he's a force both in parliament and in cabient
-
- but the whole situation changes in june of 1984
- why this is, is tricky
- two points to get to this
- when Kanu became a legal one-party system, no political opposition would be tolerated
- so oppositionists went underground
- becoming known as the Mwa Kenya movement ("my kenya" movement)
- was funded by a number of leading kikuyu businesspeople
- were funding it as a counterpoint to moi's dominance of the formal political process
- they'd recruit young, unemployed kenyans to orchestrate this
- militant movement of resistance
- militant acts against key political figures
- targeting people close to the moi circle of power
- and hopefully over time, become a very powerful movement capable of challenging the moi regime itself
- this formed in 1982, just before the coup attempt
- this movement really bothered the NSIS (intelligence service)
- some police stations were attacked
- cattle of rich politicians attacked
- or grain bins burned
- or roads blocked and payments demanded
-
- by 1984, the national security and intelligence service (under lead of patrick shaw) was now very concerned
- and the fact that it was a kikuyu funded opperation disturbed moi even more
- so here was an opportunity, and Moi seized it
-
- in june 1984, one of Moi's closest associates
- Barngetuny - said this as a matter of some urgency
- and stated to the assembled parliament, he has very disturbing news
- "there is a traitor in our midst" - among the elected MPs
- the start of a whisper campaign, a rumour campaign
- not surprisingly, other members of parliemtn tried to get the speakers' attention, asking who this traitor is
- this went on for weeks, talking about the traitor undermining the govt, undermining parliament
- and Moi began to speak about this too
- must be "vigilant at every moment"
- finally, months later, Barngetuny stood up and named Njonjo as the traitor
- parliament was aghast
- one, that he could think that Njonjo was a traitor
- and second, that anyone would ever dare to criticize Njonjo
- as a both widely respected and feared man
- can see here how these deeply loyal MPs played into Moi's hands
-
- so Njonjo recognized immediately that Moi was behind this
- and so he took himself out of the game
- resigned as the minsiter of const. and home affairs
- resigned from parliament
- and resigned as a life member of KANU
-
- Moi and Bawat had orchestrated this
- concerned that Mwa Kenya would start to push Njonjo as an alternative to Moi
-
- and the party would now have a "National Discipline Committee"
- would examine the background and performance of all those who were members of the party, particularly the life members
- and most MPs and candidates were required to buy a life membership before they could stand for election
- and political branch officers were told to take careful notes about anyone in the party, and send those notes into the committee
- and any dissent against moi, would make you brought against the committee
- and at that point, very vulnerable
- could be permanently banished from the party
- and any business loans or lines of credit you had, would quickly evaporate
- people's businessses would be driven into bankrupcy or highly undermined
- powerful force from 1984 on
-
- instrumental in monitoring individuals, in order to purify the party even further in selecting individuals for the 1988 election
-
- Moi was very confident he was in control; the only other thing he had to do was deal with Kibaki, still the VP and minister of finance
- became the main priority for Moi and Bawat
-
- 1988, some innovation in how the elections would be run that caused some debate
- the "Nlolongo" elections - swahili word for "to line up", to get in a line
- in order to even more so ensure that the preferred candidates are elected, we'll do away with the secret ballot
- at each polling station, put up a poster-sized picture of each of the candidates
- and instead of going into a polling station and putting it in a box
- we line up behind the candidate of our choice
- out in the open, publicly
- people would queue behind the candidate of their choice
- and at every hour, polling officials would come out, count the people in the line
- and then tell the people to go home
- so people would be instructed, carefully instructed, as they lined up
- which candidate the president would like them to vote for!
-
- still had the idea that we'll carefully vet the two candidates standing for election
- in some constituencies, powerful candidates were passed over
- one of these was a powerful politician, Kenneth Matiba
- a powerful kikuyu businessperson, encouraged to enter politics by his friend
- was very prosperous
- began as a coffee farmer
- then bought a vehicle and invested in public transport
- and by now, owned hotels on the coast, property in nairobi
- and these investments continued, company grew and grew
- became extraordinarily wealthy
- and became, for some time, the president and CEO of Kenya Breweries Ltd.
- an extraordinarily successful operation
- brews "Tusker" and "White Cap", kenya's two most popular beverages
- so Matiba bought a life membership to KANU to ensure security for his businesses
- and participated lots in the local branch
- but he didn't like Njonjo - was very uneasy about N.
- and angry that N. invested overseas
- a good kenyan businessman invests in his own country
- but part of the problem - KANU, Bawat and the local party branch didn't know what to do with Matiba
- he may even become a threat
- a very powerful Kikuyu force in central province
- so they rigged him out from becoming a candidate
- in his home constituency
- this was an affront to Matiba - he was completely incensed
-
- 1988 electinos go forward
- as part of the campaign, decision is made to put a strong candidate up against Kibaki
- KANU funds a very strong candidate to run against him
- and brings in a number of well-known kenyans to campaign for kibaki's oppoenent
- Kibaki is incensed - doesn't understand
- he's the VP and the misister
- but someone in KANU is telling him he's no longer wanted
- by bringing in all these people - artists, musicians, heroes of the resistance - to campaign against him
- "political tourists"
- so railed in the campaign against this attempt to undermine him
- and Kibaki won handily in the election
-
- other than that everything works out for Moi
- most of the candidates, deeply loyal to moi
- so this parliament is again a bastion of support for Moi
- so he seems unshakable
-
- Machiavelli - suggests one's political fortunes can change very quickly
-
- something completely unforseen
- the Law Society of Kenya, professional society of all the lawyers in Kenya
- the LSK, in early 1989, the chair, his term of office comes to an end
- time to elect a new chair
- unknown to most people, the candidates running for the chair were mostly young and unknown
- being the chair of the LSK was a very dangerous position
- lawyers had to be very careful who they represented in the civil and criminal courts
- didn't want to represent clients critical of the Kenyan leadership or Kanu
- but one young lawyer did, Paul Muiti
- very well educated, graduated from Harvard Law
- sucessful practice in Nairobi
- and very self-confident
- Muiti is joined in this turn of events, by Bishop Muge
- the anglican archbishop for Kenya
-
- these two individuals - Muiti for the LSK, and Muge for the churches
- are incensed at the 1988 elections
- and the doing-away of the secret ballot
-
- become very critical of the election regime
- call it a farce, and that Moi should be criticized for damaging Kenya's reputation abroad
- and the LSK will now provide free pro bono legal services in the courts to people whose human rights were violated
- a "watchdog" legal society
- we'll be certain that any illegal actions by the govt will be prosecuted in the courts, and part of the public record
-
- Muge, on the other hand, is giving sermons expressing his concern
- that a large number of young and middle-aged people seem to be disappearing
- under the pretext of fighting Mwa Kenya, the security service and police have been arresting large numbers of indivudals on sweeps through areas
- especially slum areas
- and taken to the house, tortued and detained
- a lot of young people
- so Muge, saying that something is wrong here
- people are afraid to talk about anything in public
- a very closed political society
- what is happening to kenya?
-
- so trying to find a way of promoting legitimate political dissent, in this closed society
-
- the 3rd factor
- inconceivable that this could happen
- Mach. to a t, the great thing of political science
- can't anticipate it, but once it happens, glorious
-
- a group of 12 mothers, of people who have disappeared or are held in detention (of male and female victims)
- decide to go on a hunger strike
- going to take place at Freedom Corner in nairobi
- if you ever go there, you can see it, fascinating place
- Uhuru, Freedom, Highway, 6 lanes
- meets Kenyatta Avenue, going from the downtown area
- and Uhuru park - beautiful green space
- british don't believe in traffic lights; it's a roundabout interestction
-
- and right there across the highway, is the provincial administration building, with the torture chambers in the basement
- now, you can tour them
- and the people who give you the tour, are people who have been tortured in the chambers
- these 12 mothers, gather at freedom corner, sit down, have banners behind them
- and will stay on a hunger strike, until the Moi govt tells them what's happened to their children
- what's interesting about this,
- every morning, people travel down from the suburbs, around the roundabout, and downtown to work
- these are the economic elite of kenya, and the diplomatic community
- so they see these mothers, twice a day on their way to and from work
- and you need to slow down around the roundabout, huge lines of traffic
- people sitting in their cars, watching mothers on a hunger strike
-
- this catalyzies kenyan civil society
- eveyrone sees them
- international media takes notice
- BBC World Service, ITN in europe
-
- so coming together all at once
- the LSK
- Muge the bishop
- and these mothers, witnessed by everyone in nairobi
-
- the mobilization of civil society - on the move
- against Moi and these non-secret elections
-
Essays coming back
- critique
- people who don't number their essay pages, drive him nuts.
- most of the essays were very good
- but some people - the Economist is not a credible academic source, Times, Newsweek etc.
- all of these magazines articulate a particular ideological perspective
- the economist is very strongly, anti-developing world
- very critical of DCs from a small-c conservative perspective
- using Wikipedia - they're composite articles, and continually reconstructed - no direct authorship
- no author to cite, so very difficult, like writing out of dictionary
-
- teaching here since 1972, now we all know
- and never ever ever given out a perfect mark for a paper, but this time he did
- how do you do that?! tried to find fault, but nothing
-
-
-
- Tuesday, March 30, 2010
-
Kenya: from one-partyism to multi-partyism
- Pressures from reform
- from within
- LSK, Paul Muiti
- Anglican bishop, Mugo
- and NCCK - multi-denomiantional
- RPP - Release Pol. prisioners
- Media
- print
- daily nation - taifa leo
- ea standard
-
- and two powerful kenyan figures
- Matiba
- very wealthy, stood for election in 1983
- but was rigged out of nomination to stand in 1988
- kikuyu, extraordinarily wealthy
- and the chair of kenya breweries ltd.
- Rubia
- former mayor of nairobi
- well-liked
- seen as a liberal reformer
- and one of the few mayors of the city that ensured that govt services worked
- garbage was collected
- water treatment plant worked
- roads well-maintained
- these two joined together
- and in may of 1990, called a press conference in nairobi
- invited the international media to attend
- at the press conference, they put up 12 demands for political reform
- and announced at the same time, that if Moi did not concede political reforms
- then they would form a mass rally in june to protest the oppressive nature of the regime
-
- and something else unexpected
- a sermon given by a reverend in the anglican church
- given by a preist in the anglican church
- Timothy Njoya
- a tradition in kenya, at the end of the year
- eg. new year's day message or christmas day message
- people get to reminisce about the past year
- new years' eve 1990, Njoya, at the all saints cathedral in nairobi
- where many politicians go to church
- and it's also broadcast on national television in both english and swahili
- gave a sermon
- where he suggested that a huge change, a sea change, was happening in the world
- referring to collapse of the USSR and eastern europe
- and said, if eastern european countries could embrace democracy, then so could africa
- the time for dictators is now past, and it's time for democracy
- many kenyans began to ask the same questions
- how could romainians overthrow ciuchescu and execute him in a public square, while we suffer under Moi?
- seen by moi's supporters as cheeky and disrespectful
-
- from without
- Hempstone-Smith
- new ambassador to kenya from the US
- incredulous that kenya had used queuing in the 1988 elections
- "africa needs to get past its dictators"
- DDG
- Donor development group (?)
- and the WB and IMF
- where there had been aid condidtionality in the past for economic reform, economic liberalization
- now there was aid conditionality put forward on political liberalization grounds
-
-
- by june 1990, Moi hasn't made any concessions
- insists the govt must remain stable
- so Matiba and Rubia declare that the mass rally will occur on july 7, 1990
- giving Moi one more month to start reforms
- when they apply for a license for this mass demonstration, the district commissioner refuses to do so
- and says that any attempts at demonstrations would not be treated lightly by the police
- matiba and rubia aren't intimidated, keep on planning it
- but then in late june, Moi strikes
- arrests Matiba and Rubia
- puts them in detention
- but even though matiba and rubia are in detention
- the rally goes forward
- hundreds of thousands of people gather in a part in downtown nairobi
- to hear speeches demanding political reform
- just as it's starting
- the police and administrative police swoop in
- brutally stop the rally
- live bullets are used
- people are beaten harshly
- dragged through streets behind police vehicles
- a ridiculously violent police response
- meanwhile, all of this is on int'l television
- and people rushed into churches, and police would tear gas churches
- 16 people were killed
- and more than 450 were seriously injured, a number of whom died later
-
- known today as the Saba Saba rally
- a flashpoint in kenyan political history
- saba meaning 7, the 7th day of the 7th month
- became a catalyst for other rallies in kenya
- people would take to the streets
-
- beginning in 1991
- a new momvemnt formed, FORD
- voices from the past here as well; instrumental in forming FORD is none other than Odinga
- and joined in march 1991, by kenneth matiba
- the Forum for the Restoration of Democracy
- forming a multi-ethnic, multi-organizational political movement
-
- through the spring of 1991, more mass demonstrations throughout kenya led by FORD
- more pressure from the Donor Development Group, led by Hempstone-Smith
- and finally in 1991, the central bank of kenya announced that their foreign reserves were incredibly low
- because as the instability continued, foreign investors began to flee kenya
- seeing it as too polticailly unstable
- so kenya's economy was being heavily impacted by this pressure
- announced it only had 3 months left of foreign reserves for imports
-
- so finally in nov/dec 1991, Moi announces he'll hold a conference to discuss multi-partyism
- so in a speech, announces that the wave of political reform is too strong to resist
- so in kenya's interests to adopt multi-partyism, even though, he warned, ethnic tensions could now become very inflamed
- and personally, he was still against it - believing african countries should stay united and stay strong to overcome ethnic tension
- so a lot of tension among the delegates
- moi was telling them to support multipartyism
- but he was personally against it
- finally at end of the conference, decide support for multipartyism
- would be introduced in an amendment in the next spring
- but meanwhile would start reforms already
-
- motion in parliament in dec. that multipartyism would be introduced
- and multiparty elections would be held no later than the end of 1992
-
- so now all the pressure for reform took a new direction
- instead of seeking the political opening, the question is
- what does the opposition now do, now that the opening is assured?
-
- almost spontaneously, on christmas day 1991
- the Democratic Party
- formed by Mwai Kibaki
- who had been VP of kenya up until the 1988 elections
- where he lost the VPency and was demoted from finance to health
- but remained loyal to Moi before forming this party
- so marched with supporters to the Registrar of Societies
- (british invention; where you register political parties)
-
- and had another visit from Odinga and Matiba
- FORD, as a political party
-
- so 3 parties ready to compete
- very exciting
-
- Kibaki is kikuyu, and sees the DP as the vote of the kikuyu
- so in a sense Moi is right, multipartyism might stir up ethnic tensions
-
- FORD, though, is multiethnic
- Matiba is kikuyu, and Odinga is Luo
- and people from the Abaluhya community, Kamba people from the coast
-
- Moi, up to the 1992 election, control the electoral commission of kenya
- all of the commissioners are personal appointees of the president
- and all KANU life members
- so a bit of trickiness here
- one disadvantage for the new parties
- the electoral commission is a KANU dominated institution
- who will be pro-regime
-
- and the electoral commission determines, that in order to become a registered voter
- you need a national ID card
- and to get an ID card, if you're in rural kenya, need to go to a chief's office
- get your picture taken, and a card produced, which will cost you 50 shilings
- about 80 cents canadian
- but a hassle, since the EC says we'll register voters in sept/oct
- but cards are issued in june/july
- need to line up at a chief's office in june/july
- and then in sept/oct
- come right back and get your name put on the registration list
-
- and in rural kenya, both of these involve some travel
-
- and if you don't have an id card, you can't register as a voter
- but also, the EC assured that in the way this was done,
- ID cards and registration times would be made available much more easily in pro-govt areas of the country
- in pro-opposition areas, the supply of ID cards would be limited, so a smaller number of people could register to become voters
-
- so the EC is run by KANU supporters
- and this two-stage process limits opposition chances
- meanwhile, KANU people go into graveyards, write down people's names
- get fake ID cards made
- then get written down on the voter registration lists
- so the graveyards will be voting
-
- and there will now be a 2-term limit on the presidency
- introduced in aug. 1992
- when this was introduced in tanzania for the 1995 constitution, the then president of Tan., Winye, said because of the 2-term limit, since i've already served my 2 terms, I'm out
- but in Kenya, Moi said no
- assured everyone that this 2-term limit was only applied from now on
- moi can continue as president for 2 more terms
-
- and carefully calculated by moi to tip the scales in his favour
- passed by parliament (also kanu dominated)
- and the presidential candidate, to be elected, must win at least 25% of the vote in 5 of kenya's 8 provinces
- what this means, is this is introduced in order to favour candidates to the presidency that have a strong national reputation
- if you're not well-regarded throughout the whole country, then the chance of you getting 25% of the vote in this many provinces is unlikely
- so easier for Moi to get to this limit, than say Kibaki
- who will do well in kikuyu-based central province, but won't do well elsewhere
- kibaki is in a difficult situation right away
-
- and the 3rd reform, which could have been introduced but wasn't
- was the 50% rule
- to be elected pres. in other DCs, eg Ghana
- you have to win 50% of the total vote, plus 1, to be declared president
- if none of the candidates get enough of the popular vote, then the top 2 candidates will campaign again in a run-off election
- but in Kenya, they didn't put that in, even though HempstoneSmith pressured for it strongly
-
-
- as of Aug. 1992, have 3 political parties in the game, for the 1992 elections
- and the final touch
- the president determines when the election will be held
- so moi made the promise the electino would be held in the fall of 1992
- and all through the fall, he keeps people in suspense about when the election will be held
- keeps everyone off balance
- and finally announces that it will occur on Dec 29, 1992
-
- so KANU, DP and FORD
- looks like the lineup as of the end of aug. 1992
- Moi as pres candidate for KANU
- Kibaki for Democratic Party
- and for FORD
- don't have a candidate!
- what are we going to do for FORD?
- we have two co-chairs
- Odinga and Matiba
- so who will FORD nomiate as it's presidential candidate
- eveyrone is excited about it
- Odinga's supporters
- say he is the nationalist leader who carried the torch of nationalism
- pushed for reforms
- twice been detained, twice health brutalized
- look how much he sacrificed
- okay, so Odinga it is
- but on the other hand, the pro-Matiba group says
- Odinga is too old
- wise and experienced
- but too radical
- can never tell what he's going to do
- like a leopard
- at one moment you're friend, at the other, your enemy
- Matiba is younger, stronger, successful businessperson
- kikuyu, so can carry the kikuyu vote
- and he was the one who sacrificed first in the recent call for reform
- him and Rubia were detained before saba saba
- never mind! it's Matiba
-
- both of these individuals are strong personalities
- Odinga would love to become president and knock of moi
- twice he's been detained by him
- and Matiba would like to, since he's been rejected from nomination by moi
-
- both are very good speakers, have strong supporters
- Matiba especially has fanatic supporters
-
-
- in early september,
- ( conceptually brilliant; can't imagine this )
- Matiba has a dream
- in his dream, has a picture of himself on the lawn of state house, being sworn in as president of africa
- and in africa, with the emphasis on spirits and on dreams
- everyone is ecstatic, people break into dance
-
- so now, having had this dream, he's not going to give in to Odinga
-
- Odinga says dreams are not really a big deal; he will remain as a candidate
-
- FORD splits
- FORD-Kenya will be led by Odinga
- so goes to the registrar and re-registers it
- the chair will be Odinga
- and as chair, he'll become their presidential candidate
- and the first vice-chair
- will be Orengo
- also a Luo like odinga, but from the northern part
- and very well-regarded
- a young dynamic political force
- and the 2nd vice-chair
- Michael Wamalwa
- and Abaluhya
- the Luhya, by 1992, are the 2nd largest ethnic group in kenya
- after the kikuyu
- Wamalwa, a young rising star
- the 3rd vice chair
- is another Odinga
- Raila Odinga
- Odinga Sr.'s youngest son
-
-
- Matiba goes back to the registrar, and also registers a new party
- Ford-Asili
- asili being swahili for True
- this is the true FORD!
- matiba is registered as the chair, he'll be the candidate as well
- ( this is what we call elite recycling... )
- Shikuku is the vice-chair
- who was part of the troika against Moi
- with Sheroney and Karuiki
- Shikuku is Luhya
- in Asili, the Kikuyu and the Luhya are both highly involved
- the two biggest ethnic groups in kenya
-
- meanwhile Ford-Kenya is mainly Luo
- has a Luhya vice-chair, but he's young and much less influential than Shikuku
-
- KANU is mostly kilengins in the rift valley
- and people along the coast
- the coast being dominated by Nassir
- who controls all of the politicians along the coast
- and is deeply loyal to Moi
-
-
- the parliament
- 188 elected MPs
- and 12 nominated MPs
- appointed by the pres
- designed to represent under-represented groups
- women
- the young
- Arab communitty
- and the Asian community
- but decided by Moi so likely to be pro-KANU
-
- Presidential Race
- election results
- Moi gets 36.53% of the popular vote
- Matiba comes in 2nd with 26%
- Kibaki has 19%
- and Odinga gets 17%
-
- turnout of 66% - not stellar, but fair enough
-
- think of this conceptually, looking at the provincial breakdown
- moi only got 16% of popular vote in Nairobi
- but on the coast, gets 66% thanks to nassir
- in northeastern, 72% vote for Moi (a small province though)
- in the central province, only got 2% of the vote
- but in the rift valley, 71% of pop. vote
- with 39%, surprisingly well
- in Nyanza, luo heartland, 15%
- gets most of the votes from the south area which isn't luo
-
- Matiba
- 44% of popualr vote in nairobi
- but at the coast 11 %
- eastern, 10% - poorly, even though some kikuyu
- and 62% of popular vote in central
- in western, 38%, much thanks to Shikuku
- and in Nyanza, luo, only 1%
- punished really for the split with odinga who's luo
-
- Kibaki
- does great - 50% in eastern prov.
- and in central, his home province, loses decisively to matiba
- strength in eastern and central provinces
-
- Odinga
- 20% in nairobi
- but 14% at the coast
- mostly Luos working on the coast as dockworkers and tourism people
- got 1% in the central province, kikuyu dominated supporters of matiba
- Mwalawah delivers odinga 17% in luhya western province
- and Nyanza, his homeland, 75%
-
- so if you take the 5 of 8 provinces rule, only Moi won
- coast
- NE
- E
- RV
- and Western at 39
-
- Matiba got 3 of the 5, so he's out
-
- so suppose Matiba and Odinga had stayed together in ford
- and agreed on a common candidate
- would they have won the election?
- this would haunt them for years to come
- because their popular votes, added togehter, would have won the presidency
- assuming that everyone would have voted for a common candidate
- and would luos have voted for kikuyu Matiba?
- would kikuyu have voted for luo Odinga?
-
- we never get the chance to know
-
- by candidates
- if you look at KANU now
- originally a kikuyu- and luo- dominated party
- there isn't 1 parliamentary seat won by kikuyu
- nor any from luo seats!
- KANU has been transformed, into party of the minority ethnic communities in kenya
- aside from the kalenjin, kamba and Luhya
- it's all from smaller minority ethnic communities
- what Moi has done
- considered to be brilliant!
- he's re-constructed KANU to become the party of the minority tribes
-
- recreated it as what KADU once was
- (looking back to the independence election
- where KANU got 66% of vote to KADU's minority tribes' 34%)
-
- DP
- strong among kikuyu
- also meru and kamba a bit
-
- and Ford-Asili
- strongly kikuyu and luyha
- FORD-K
-
- Kanu got 100 seats in the election
- plus the 12 nominated seats
-
- the opposition parties
- Ford-K gets 31 seats
- Ford-Asili gets 31 seats as well
- and the DP gets 23
- (and 3 seats missing; the EC declared them undecided, and went to reelections later, all won by KANU)
-
- that's the alignment of forces
- 115 for KANU
- and 85 opposition seats
-
- 3 things that propelled KANU in the parliamentary race
- state resources
- Moi and his govt committed state resources to the ruling party candidates
- funding of campaigns
- brochures
- travel
- and money to hand out to voters
- and even chiefs telling people they should vote for kanu
-
- YK92
- a group that was formed, bringing unemployed youth together to work on behalf of KANU
- "Youth for Kanu 1992"
- this is something that happens often in DC elections
- unemployed youth can be easily mobilized
- Bawat did this mostly
- providing funds to YK92
- paying people to join this movement
- they'd go around and attend opposition rallies
- and heckle opposition supporters and candidates
- and enforcing "Kanu only zones"
- where only kanu supporters could go and vote
- set up by young militant youth
- paid, on occasion, to use violence
- attacking opposition candidates and their supporters
-
- and starting in 1991, and going all the way into 1994,
- a series of ethnic clashes broke out in the rift valley province
- where kalengin and masai people
- attack kikuyu settlers and drove them off their farms
- these were carefully orchestrated clashes
- leading politicians would pay unemployed young people to form warrior groups
- and attack the farms of people who had set up in the valley
- and weren't of the right ethnicity
- they were "to drive strangers from our midst"
- spots among us
- and return the ancestral lands, who had first been occupied by white settlers
- to purify the ancestral lands and drive out other groups
- sending them back to central province where they belonged
- during this period
- about 1500 people were killed
- and 350 000 (!) people became internally displaced, forced to settle elsethere
-
- the background, being to drive kikuyu and luo (Kanu opponents) out of the RV province
- and, after the election, to punish them for voting as they did
-
- so appeared to be free and fair
- but given this was a highly repressive election
- difficult registration process
- YK92
- and these militias
- if you ask local kenyans, would say it was hardly free and hardly fair
-
- meanwhile
- the Canadian Observer group, considered it free and fair
- Carter Center, gave the clear
- EU
-
- all int'l observers approved it as free and fair
-
-
-
- Thursday, April 01, 2010
-
Kenya: Multi-Party electoral competition, from 1992 to present
-
- 1. post-election developments
- a. odinga
- b. ford-kenya
- c. constitutinoal reform movement
- NCA and NCEC
- IPPG & "minimal reforms"
- 2. 1997 election
- campaign
- parties
- personalities
- 3. post-1997 elections
- Moi & political maneuvers
-
- Post-election Developments
- sudden and unexpected change occurs in Jan 1994
- Odinga decided that, given his failing health
- wanted to step down as leader of the opposition
- with Matiba's Ford-Asili having the same number of seats, he becomes opposition leader isntead
- and then later in 1994, Odinga dies
- question then is, who takes over leadership of Ford-Kenya?
- Orengo, Luo lawyer and activist?
- but instead, announces he'll leave politics
- after Odinga's death, really crushed
- Wamalwa, Luhya activist
- next in line according to party constitution
- going in order of vice-chairs
- or Ralin Odinga, Luo, odingo's youngest son
- argues that, after all, party was founded by his father
- and as it is true in african politics, only right that the son succeeds the father
- leads to a vicious struggle for power between Wamalwa and Odinga
- and it lasts from 1994 through until 1997
- and most of this struggle takes place in the courts
- court of appeal
- second court of appeal
- and supreme court of Kenya
- lawyers mobilized from both sides
- and in 1997, the verdict is declared
- the party constitution must be followed
- Wamalwa becomes leader of Ford-Kenya
- and R. Odinga declares
- if I can't lead Ford-Kenya, I'll form my own party
- with many of his supporters from Ford-K
- forming the NDP
- the National Development Party
- and asks all the Ford-Kenya branch offices to roll over and become NDP party branches
- a personality clash between the two
- but also a clash of tradition
- R. Odinga felt strongly that, given his father founded the party, only right that he inherit it
- that power and leadership are part of a political inheritance
- popular in developing countries
- eg. Duvalier's in Haiti
- this idea of a natural political inheritance
-
- represents another fracturing
- with Wamalwa leading Ford-Kenya
- and Odinga leading NDP
- opposition forces are disintegrating; only helps Moi's party
-
- academics, professionals, and those in the judiciary
- felt that the 1992 elections were so badly rigged in favour of the governing party
- and the only way to overcome this was constitutional reform
-
- gained strength in 1995, and then in 1996
- formed into a body called the National Convention Assembly
- drawing on a whole range of civil society (CSO) leaders
- plus the churches
- politicians disgruntled with the Moi regime
- intellectuals
- and even kenyans flying in from overseas
- talking about the need for major constitutional reform
- and the body formed from this is the NCEC
- National Convention Executive Committee
-
- this group, from 1996, calls on Kenyans to engage in a mass education process on the need for major constitutional reform
- become serious reformists - demanding the Moi govt introduce constitutional reform before the next elections
-
- what kind of reforms were they after?
- to reduce the power of the presidency
- many in kenya felt it had become an imperial power
- no check on presidential power
- he often didn't consult his cabinet at all
- just told them what he had decided
- and if any of them disagreed, they'd just be removed
- and a strong inner circle
- Biwott (actual spelling) advisor
- and his son Moi
- and security advisor Kulei
- not that Moi wasn't in control
- but he could see that the winds were changing
- so important for him to cement his position
- not just politically, but economically
- accumulation
- buying properties at throwaway prices, threatening people with complete economic failure unless they signed property over to him
- and in his inner circle, "land grabbing"
- became instant millionaires
- Kulei, really interesting
- was a prison guard
- then brought into inner circle
- but really just a hooligan
- and Biwott
- very slick
- immensely powerful
- needed to go through Biwott before you could talk to Moi
- Parliament was very weak
- had a formal oversight role
- would have to approve the national budget, engage in a budget debate
- but since Moi controlled KANU so strongly, and ministers were so wary of challenging the president
- everything would just be approved
- the Judiciary was also very weak
- many of the judges and municipal courts
- were appointees of the president
- and owed their positions to him
- weren't willing to renounce their lifestyle and high pay
- in the interests of keeping the executive accountable
- and engaged in a "Kalenjinization" of the civil public service
- everyone in the public service
- Moi appointed all these members of his own tribe
- even distant relatives of him
- or govt departments were required to overemploy people
- creating positions that weren't significant in any sense of the term
- positions created overnight for them
- powerful control over the public service too
- and most of the development benefits were targeted at his home province of rift valley
- many educated Kikuyu public servants were pushed out
- given their release papers
- and replaced by, what they say, as unqualified Kalenjins
-
- JH - going to a development institution he had visited before
- very highly reputable organization, KTDA
- goes back, has an appointment to see the senior public relations officer
- talks to the receptionist coming back
- a large number of people standing around this reception desk
- all wearing suits, drinking tea, reading the morning paper
- come into the public relations office
- back when he studied it before, there were two officers
- now, had a fancy carpet, had all these glass walled offices surrounding a courtyard
- and someone on that floor, oh the senior PR officer is busy
- and in all these offices, people with their feet on the desks
- assistant public relations officers
- very busy, a very busy time - you can see how busy they are!
- asked for an annual report
- we haven't had an annual report in eight years!
- but see it's too much work!
- talks to the senior officer
- who is kikuyu
- these are the president's "add-on workers"
- decided we should hire more people from rift valley
- do they do any work?
- not really no
- but if i say anything i'll do my job
- the president's a nice man; these are nice people and they dont' bother me too much
- these aren't really our cost overruns
- it's that we're paying people who aren't here
- we're told to send cheques to people even though they're not here
- they're called "ghost workers"
- 150 ghost workers
- to these people, who never show up
- but we send cheques out to them
-
- so really no oversight
- ombudsman not effectively funded
- can't deal with the corruption in the executive
-
- so real push for constitutional reform
- the NCEC calling for protests
- really struck a nerve
- as we're moving towards the year of the national elections
- Matiba, Ford-Asili, put his weight behind the NCEC call for reform
- and threatened - "no reforms, no elections"
- urging people not to participate in elections unless their were constitutional reform
- and Matiba even didn't register to vote, which made him ineligible as a candidate
- and Ford-Asili kind of collapsed
- but the constitutional reform movement continued
- Moi saw this as a much bigger threat now, since Mabita was second in parliament and had a lot more weight
-
- Moi decided that he would allow minimal constitutional reforms
- and this would be done through parliemtn - forming an "inter-party parliamentary group"
- engaging in token reforms
- trying to level the playing field somewhat and make the elections more free and fair than in the past
-
- what are these reforms?
- from now on, each political party would be given equal access to the media
- no longer would the natinoal broadcasting system only report on the governing party
- and the ECK - electoral commission of Kenya
- would have 21 people
- 10 appointed by the pres / KANU
- and 10 appointed by the opposition
- and a neutral person to be the chair
- a way to reduce the one-sidedness of the electoral commission's operations
- and after the election, the pres gets to appoint 12 nominated MPs
- which strengthens his hand
- but now, these 12 nominated MPs will be allocated according to the party's standing in parliament
- agreed now, that the campaign period would be a set time of 45 days
- that wouldn't allow the president to call an election very quickly and thus disarm the competition
-
- considered a step forward
- equal access to the media
- equal voice on the electoral commission
- improvements to the nominated candidate process
- and a fixed campaign time
-
- date of the elections is declared as Dec. 27th
- this causes some consternation already
- because most kenyans are on holiday
- most kenyans who will be in urban centres, will be home on holidays
- they'll have registered in urban centres
- but they'll be out in their rural hometowns for the holidays
- but Moi is insistent on this date
-
- the parties
- KANU - Moi
- DP - Kibaki
- former VP and minister of finance who moi demoted in 1988
- FORD-Kenya - Wamalwa
- who the courts confirmed as head of Ford-K
- NDP -Raila Odinga
- National Development Party
- and the sleeper, someone you think really shouldn't be in the race, but this one's a real surprise
- and this party has the support of the US govt
- because she's the first female presidential candidate
- the Social Democratic Party, or SDP
- led by Charity Ngilu
- who has worked in kenyan civil society for years
- Charity being an adopted name people call her because she's given so much time to charities
- a Kamba, extraordinarily regarded among her own people
- but given her work in civil society organizations and NGOs
-
- going to be a very interesting race
- Moi doesn't really campaign, gets his people to campaign for him
- Kibaki, fairly conservative and quiet
- Wamalwa, young and makes mistakes sometimes
- but Odinga and Ngilu, extraordinarily charismatic and excellent speakers
-
- issues
- anti-corruption
- calls for electoral reform
- and an end to discriminating against certain areas of the country
- political reform
- and attacks on Moi
- much more than in 1992, people are really willing to criticize the pres
-
- to become pres, you need 25% of the popular vote in 5 of 8 provinces
- and to win as pres, you just need to win the most votes, not say 50% of the votes
-
- the Results
- Moi wins again
- higher than last time with 40% of popular vote
- Kibaki, 30.9%
- Odinga, 10.8%
- Wamalwa, 8.1%
- Ngilu, 7.9%
-
- Moi in northern province
- indicated that development would come to the north
- sent the public service out
- telephone poles in the ditches
- huge rolls of what looked like transmission wires
- talked to elders
- Moi promised that if we voted for him, we'd get electricity!
- and they were still sitting in the ditches
- development promises that never came
-
- Kibaki
- did exceptional among kikuyu, 88.6% in central province
- Odinga
- huge disappointment
- slipped at the coast, and did poorly everywhere
- except in Nyanza, 56% there
- Wamalwa
- Luhya people stand with him, 48% in westerm province
- Ngilu
- lots of money went into her campaign from america
- rumours of numbered accounts in switzerland
- but only did decently in eastern province
-
- parliamentary results
- this is after the breakdown of the 12 nominated MPs
- before this, KANU had 107 seats to opposition's 103
- and for this election, there were 222 seats counting the 12 nominated
- revised before the election by the ECK
-
-
-
- KANU gets
-
- very important, because, in order to change the constitution, you need 145 votes
- what Moi was hoping for in 97, ( JH has this from Biwott himself! ) was 145 seats for KANU
- so that he could eradicate the 2-term limit
- so he could run again in 2002
- but didn't get enough
- and so the race gets started again for the presidency
- a race within KANU to see who will be KANU's nominee for the presidential race in 2002
- and a race within the opposition to see who can maneuver themselves to be a strong candidate
- Moi has a challenge in front of him
- knows he can't stand for the prez in 2002
- but wants to manipulate events so that he'll still retain political control even if he steps down as president
-
- JH's famous Biwott story
- you can do this at any time; you just need to be a bit aggressive
- rented a car to go to western kenya; Jan. 1998 just after the electinos
- asked the car rental place; wanted a toyota corolla, 4-doors, white
- to look like he doesn't have any money whatsover
- with a big Budget sign on the door
- delivered to his hotel
- turns out it's a Peugeot Saloon car
- no budget sticker on it
- it's the only car available, a gem, take it
- goes up country; hits an enormous pothole
- was a bit angry at the time, at his friend who suggested this road
- this road, took 2 hours to go 45km
- was sometimes driving in the ditch because the road was so bad
- finally on a tarmac road, opened it up, but it was dark
- you don't want to be on a road late at night in a car that's a bit problematic
- but it's a good car right?
- bus coming in the other lane
- hit an enormous pothole; tire exploded
- and budget forgot the emergency kit! even the tire iron wasn't good
- farmer came out with a flashlight, helped them out
- went to the town the next day, did his interviews
- got the car repaired; did some more interviews
- about 10km out of town, the car stopped
- traffic police stopped by
- policemen push the car off the road
- said it's not a good place; people get knocked off and robbed on this road
- land cruiser going by, flagged down
- powerful local politician
- calls Budget, 24hr roadside assistance
- but it's a sunday! no good.
- "have a nice day!"
- leaves the car with someone, gives him 1000 shillings to guard it
- Budget will be by sometime to get it
- Matatu, van bus
- driven by someone who really doesn't know what they're doing
- and a tout, who gathers people to ride in the Matatu
- the best Matatu is a colourful matatu; you want a colourful one, because if it's colourful you'll be sure the stereo is fantastic
- taking it to Kisumu, then could take a running cab all the way to Nairobi
- thief story; waiting for the cab they paid for
- beat up the thief because the police will just let him go after a block when he pays them off
- found the driver! he was in the bar! wobbles out
- finally, off in another cab, highlands highway into the rift valley
- the cab broke down, late sunday night on the highway
- interviewed a bunch of people at the service station
- get to Nikuru, find a hotel and have some food
- now 11 at night, two more hours to nairobi
- the cab
- businessman in front seat, professional lady, JS's friend
- and next to JS in the back, a young, probably recently engaged couple
- and then, a police check
- making sure they're not running drugs or arms
- get everyone out of the car, dumping everything out of the back
- police decide the boombox must be stolen; ask him for a receipt
- and decide they'll confiscate the boombox
- and furthermore, the driver doesn't have a license!
- now, they won't let us go
- and doesn't have the registration for the car; could be a stolen car
- really problematic
- so JS goes up to the young policeman
- asks him what his name is
- he refuses
- wants his badge number
- then the policeman gets nervous
- and JS says, I'm going to talk to Biwott
- you're stealing this man's boombox
- and Archie says, of course he knows Biwott!
- Biwott in the OP!
- and that's the end of the story
- so the moral of the story
- if you have any trouble
- learn the name of a high official in the office of the president
- finally after they arrive in nairobi, can't get into the hotel
- so I had to climb over the fence
-
- right after this, Kibaki launches a challenge against Moi
- can't believe he only got 20% in rift valley
- and has evidence that
- files a petition calling the election fraudulent
- leads to a whole series of ethnic clashes
- people in the rift valley, upset that Kibaki is challenging Moi
- but Moi decides he's going to reach out now
- what JS calls, a reach-out strategy
- reaching out to the opposition parties
- wants to build a strong alliance with some opposition parties
- to bump up his side to 145
- has his people talk to Ngilu and Mawalwa and Odinga
- asking if they're interested in coming into his government
- and he'd promise something big for them, if they joined his govt
- Ngilu and Mawlawa say no
- makes sense
- both young politicians, establishing themselves as national figures
- that they'd just enter politics to side with Moi, would kill their political careers
- but as far as R. Odinga
- very tricky
- decides he'll agree to cooperate with Moi
-
- a degree of cooperation between
- KANU - 113
- and NDP - 22 seats
- Odinga is willing to support Moi to an extent
- now only 10 seats away from the 145 Moi needs
- what benefits does this make to Odinga's party?
- a couple of benefits
- the term of the commissioner of police is ending
- appoints a Luo as the next commissioner of police
- and the president himself goes to Kisumu, the Luo heartland
- promises them, in a state visit, he'll put more money into their home area of Nyanza province
- because of this cooperation
- that's the first 6 or 8 months after the election
-
- stage 2 is partnership
- Odinga sees that Moi is being very cooperative here
- allowing the Luo to get a little bit more from the national pie
- new hospital being planned for kisumu
- roads being built
- the prez is being serious
- enters into a partnership with Moi
- he'll actually bring some people into his govt
- 2 cabinet ministers from the NDP
- one of whom is Odinga, who becomes minister of energy
- and 2 assistant ministers from the NDP
- so a mini-coalition govt
-
- and now, moving even further
- discussions break out between odinga's people and moi's people
- about the idea of forming a political union
- between KANU and the NDP
- the two parties will merge
- brings benefits to both
- at this stage, Moi is recognizing he's not going to reach the 145
- it's fall of 2001
- won't reach the number in time
- but what we could do, with this union
- he can really control politcal events, because he won't face a strong opposition in the 2002 elections
- many senior KANU politicians are against this
- they don't trust odinga
- oftentimes, Odinga has been referred to as a hyena, or as "the hammer"
- hyenas hunt together in packs, but sometimes unpredictable
- many people in KANU feel, he hasn't worked within KANU, hasn't been loyal to moi
- why should he be given this weight so close to the election?
- what's Moi trying to do?
-
- so on tuesday, we'll do 2002, the election in 2007, and how the country collapsed in 2008
-
- remember - Biwott, and the OP
-
-
-
- Tuesday, April 06, 2010
-
- --Kenya: Moi's strategy, the political opposition and regime change
- 1. KANU and internal dissent
- 2. nominated MP and ministerial appointment
- 3. kasarani 1
- 4. national alliance party, may 2002
- 5. successor?
- 6. rainbow alliance
- 7. kasarani 2
-
- Moi's strategy to maintain powr, even if he had to relinquish the presidency
- and what do you do as an opposition party in a DC, when you actually have a chance at power?
- and the implications for kenya from 2002 to present
-
- Odinga's NDP working with Moi
- 1. cooperation
- Obong'o appointed as commissioner of police
- and development benefits going towards
- 2. partnership
- 2 miniters, and 2 assistant ministers
- including odinga himself as minister of energy
- 3. finally, unity
- a merger of the two parties
- this talk occured around august of 2001
- about a year before the next elections, which had to be at the latest, dec. 2002
- the problem here, is that Moi so far has been able to carry KANU with him
- but there are very strong political actors within KANU that don't trust odinga
- he's seen by some as too manipulativ
- too self-centered, egotistical, devious!
- a few key individuals in KANU
- George Saitoti
- has a ph.d in mathematics
- taught at kenyatta university, before entering politics
- and brought into politics largely because of his dual ethnic background
- both masaii and kikuyu, terrific politically
- became a minister in the Moi govt
- when Moi pushed kibaki out in the 1988 election, then Saitoti became an attractive alternative as VP
- mild-mannered and very loyal
- so was appointed vice-president and also vice-chair of KANU
- loyal to Moi just as Moi was loyal to kenyatta
- figures he has an excellent chance to succeed Moi as the leader of KANU, and thus as the next president of the country
- JJ Kamotho
- supporting Saitoti in his campaign
- ( dangerous man; had some run ins with JS! )
- has a position of strength in KANU
- as the secretary general
- has great influence in who receives acclamation, who is endorsed as party branch leaders in KANU
- is a protege of Charles Njonjo
- M. Mudavadi
- has served a long time in KANU
- his father Moses was a powerful KANU minister under Kenyatta
- he's a Luhya person; has strength from his ethnic base (now the 2nd largest ethnic community in kenya)
- is very ambitious; thought his father could have done more under Kenyatta
- Kalonzo Musyoka
- like mudavadi, has ethnic strength - from the Kamba people (5th largest in country and dominant in eastern province)
- doesn't have the same parentage as mudavadi, but he's very popular with young KANU delegates, with women KANU members, and those from 30 to 45
- represents the new leadership of KANU
- attractive and charismatic style
- and he's a born-again Christian
- in a country where christian denominations are becoming much more politically powerful - after moi introduced multiparty politics
- he has the support of the National Council of Churches of Kenya
- Najib Balala
- sees himself as an obvious presidential candidate
- comes from the coast
- has both arab and african
- and his father was a very strong minister, under both kenyatta and moi's early years
- ( in african politics, the sons and daughters of the powerful often become the candidates of choice )
- and he has the support of Sharif Nassir
- a critical Moi backer on the coast
-
- this is the crowd of people that is wary of Moi's cooperation with Odinga
-
-
- Nominated MPs and ministerial appointments
- would often
-
- Uhuru Kenyatta
- "freedom" - was born the year after independence
- the youngest son of the former president
- and KANU put him up as a candidate in his father's home constituency
- and incredibly, he lost in the 1997 elections
- a stunning blow, politically
- and Moi still wanted him in his govt because of the prestige around his name
- so brought him in as a nominated MP
- and made him Minister of Local Government
- a very powrful position
- many were critical of this, including Saitoti
- this Uhuru Kenyatta, very politically inexperienced, and failed to even win in his home constituency!
-
- Moi still has a lot going for him
- chair of the party
- has the national discipline committee to punish or banish anyone who's disloyal
- and has the support of Odinga's NDP
- but he still has to step down as president
- since he doesn't have the 145 seats
-
- so calls a conference, Kasarani 1
- Kasarani being a huge sports complex on the outskirts of Nairobi
- a magnificent indoor stadium, made with american money for the All-Africa Games
- great for big political conferences
- party unity conference, designed to give the party momentum towards the 2002 elections
- and moi has a brilliant idea
- going to restructure KANU and the major offices within the party
- to strengthen the party going into the elections
- this restructuring is done with Gideon Moi (his son) and Biwott planning it
-
- 5400 candidates here, and 1300 of these (!) from Odinga's party
- 4100 KANU delegates
- tremendous talk of what this is going to mean for KANU
-
- right away, unity is on the table
- going to unify the two parties
- taking KANU, plus the NDP
- and make a new political arrangemnet, organization
-
- so a merger of the two parties, but only designated as the "New KANU"
- kanu isn't going to shed it's name
- but showing it's a new political formation
-
- now, how to restructure the party, to give Moi as much possible support as possible?
- changing the party structure at the top
- Moi will continue to be party chair
- but instead of 1 vice-chair, we'll have 4 vice-chairs
- one for each of the major regions in the country
- the coast
- eastern province
- central province
- and western province
-
- saitoti loses out here
- he was the vice-chair, when there was only 1 vice-chair
- so unless he's picked by Moi for one of these?
-
- vice-chairs:
- coast
- Eastern
- Musyoka
- support from the churches
- and young and women and everyone
- Western
- Mudavadi
- but another person felt offended by this, Cyrus Jirongo
- powerful actor for Moi in YK92, the youth KANU leader; virtually orchestrated Moi's victory in 92
- Central
- Kenyatta
- shocking
- not saitoti, and not kamotho
- but Kenyatta
- has only been a minister since 2001
- and now, in 2002, a vice-chair of the party
- rumors and whispers about this
-
- but then - what about Odinga?
- not a vice-chair
- but he becomes Secretary General of the party
- becomes suddenly influential in the workings of the party
- organizing branch elections
- and setting up the leadership conference that's coming up
- so given a powerful position, but not one that will alienate the other new vice-chairs
-
- but the losers
- Saitoti, now has nothing
- and Kamotho, also loses his position completely
-
- this is happening on national TV
- and when the candidates are put up for acclimation
- Saitoti tries to get to the microphone to protest
- but Moi tells him to "sit down, professor", and verbally abuses him on TV
- so a degree of public sympathy for Saitoti
-
- and a new amendment, making the chair of KANU much more powerful
- is to approve or veto ministers if KANU forms the govt
- make or review policy decisions of the govt
- and a strong hand in senior public service appointments
- almost like a mini-president
- perfect for Moi
- who can continue having an enormous influence over the next president
-
- the Oppostion
- is very concerned about this new KANU
- which has star candidates for every region
-
- currently making up the opposition parties is
- DP - with Kibaki
- Ford-Kenya - Wamalwa
- strong amongst Luyha, stronger than mudavadi
- and the SDP - Charity Ngilu
- support amongst Kamba and Kikuyu
-
- so these 3 leaders sit down, have frank discussions
- after a few weeks of meetings, decide to form a political alliance
- the National Alliance Party (NAP)
- the senior person, most experienced of 3, will be chosen as the party chair
- Wamalwa becomes 1st vice-chair
- having more votes than Ngilu
- and Ngilu becomes 2nd vice-chair
- but these 3 go further
- suggest that, should they win the next national election and presidency
- they have to be strongly unified
- so agree that Kibaki will be the presidential candidate
- Wamalwa will become vice-president
- and Ngilu will have a new appointment of prime minister, which will be created
- so in may 2002, sort out already the structure of leadership of the party
- the perfect setup
- but kept quiet from the public for now
-
-
- so over may and june, pressure builds on Moi to declare, who he would prefer to see as president
- Balala, from the coast, both arab and african?
- Musyoka, has christian backing and the support of KANU's new generation?
- Mudavadi, son of a powerful minister
- or Odinga, now the secretary general?
-
- rumors are swirling
- and finally, Odinga decides to take action
- calls a press conference
- and declares that he will become a presidential candidate in 2002
- he is going to contest for the leadership of KANU at the next KANU leadership conference, scheduled for oct. 2002
- going to run
- democractically elected at the leadership conference
- within KANU, the others nod - odinga was a loose cannon
-
- Moi, while upcountry at a fundraiser for a girls' secondary school
- kenyatta on the podium with him
- and Moi announces, this is the candidate i'd like to succeed me
- people are stunned
- and most stunned, are these 3 prospective candidates and odinga
- this guy has done nothing for KANU; he couldn't even get elected!
- and you expect to win the country with him?
- with this hostile public reaction, Moi is also stunned
- because he felt he should be able to tell kenyans who should succeed him
- so decides he'll tour kenya, and orchestrate what he calls "project uhuru"
- going around the country, introducing uhuru to everyone, at huge public meetings
- and then at private meetings
- will introduce uhuru to party branches, and to community elders
- does nothing to quiet the angst of oppostiion forces within KANU
- Odinga takes the lead
- forms what he calls, the Rainbow Alliance
- with Odinga, Saitoti, Kamotho, Balala, Mudavadi, and Musyoka
- pretty well everyone who still wants to be president of the country, and KANU's nominee as candidate in 2002
- called it the Rainbow Alliance
- drawing on the south african experience
- because of Mandela's call, when out of prison, to create a rainbow of people of all races to form a coalition government
- so this rainbow alliance tours the country en masse in August
- all on the same platform
- and wherever Moi and Uhuru go, we will go next
- and we'll have larger public rallies than they have!
- show Moi the strength of the alternative within the party
- so campaigning not just against Uhuru, but also campaigning for an open campaign in October
- this is the new Kenya
- it has to be a democratic, open process
- the Donor Development Group
- now chaired by Canada, surprise surprise
- also jumps on board this, calling for an open nomiation campaign
-
- August is a great month to campaign
- rains have finished
- strong prices for farmers' products
- economy is booming, suddenly, tourism is also up
- everyone is feeling good
-
- Moi and Biwott are incensed about the rainbow alliance
- these people running around behind him campaigning against his own choice!
- and Moi asks Biwott to tell the rainbow members that they face severe consequences
- and to demonstrate this
- Saitoti is kicked out of the vice-presidency of Kenya
- and Kamotho is also pushed out of power, out of his ministry
- a sign to Odinga, Balala Mudavadi and Musyoka - that there are consequences to challenging Moi
- the 2nd thing that Moi does
- feels he could orchestrate some pressure on some of the others in the rainbow group
- so Moi invites Nassir to state house
- talks about the wars they fought
- and Nassir's business success, thanks to Moi's help
- and Moi asks Nassir to bring Balala back to him
- meanwhile, Biwott and Moi, two-pronged effort to convince Mudavadi to come back
- he'll get something big
- so in sept. 2002, Mudavadi has a press conference at the Norfolk hotel
- and says he was a bit hasty; didn't understand that Moi's choice really is the best one
- but he's back, back to Moi
- Balala also returns
- both of them being promised something big under Moi and U. Kenyatta
- remaining in Rainbow is
- Odinga
- Saitoti
- Kamotho
- Musyoka
-
- Kasarani II
- the leadership conference
- the week before, Moi calls for Odinga, Saitoti, Kamotho and Musoka
- the 4 left in Rainbow
- to come to state house for a lunch
- to talk about the convention
- meanwhile, Odinga has gathered strength among the candidates coming to the conference
- of the 5400, likely 2100 who will vote for Odinga on the first ballot
- Moi is concerned that Odinga is very close to becoming the next nominee for KANU as presidential candidate
- so Moi asks the 4 at state house
- and says, the best thing to do for kenya's future, is to follow his lead
- and talks about all the good things they experienced because of Moi
- Odinga, brought into his family
- so appeals to all of them to stand aside
- and to let the convention choose Uhuru as the next candidate
- so on the weekend before convention, these 4 talk privately
- so on Sunday, Odinga goes to the Norfolk
- announces the rainbow had met with Moi
- pleaded with him to have an open convention
- but the president refused
- so rainbow has decided not to attend Kasarani 2
- it's a sign of the president's continuing autocraticness
- and so we're forming the Liberal Democratic Party
- we're having a people's convention at uhuru park
- and Odinga calls on all his candidates to come to this instead
- there's two uhuru's on monday, uhuru the candidate, and this rally at uhuru park
-
- at this park, the 3 leaders of the opposition parties are also there!
- call that this is the new democracy in Kenya
- and that at Kasarani 2, that's the old dictatorship
-
- meanwhile, Kasarani 2 goes ahead
- it's really just old KANU members now; odinga's people are out
- and Moi says that KANU has been purified; opposition people are out
- and it's time to nominate Kenyatta
- and the motion is introduced by Mudavadi, and seconded by Balala!
- and carries through
-
-
- things get nasty at this point
- National Alliance Party with Kibaki
- the Liberal Democratic Party with ??
- and KANU, led by Kenyatta
-
- shortly afterwards, Mudavadi is named as Vice president of Kenya by Moi
- and Balala is promised a senior ministry in the new government
-
- now, in 92, a divided opposition led to a Moi victory
- in 97, a divided opposition led to a Moi victory again!
- and in 2002 with the election coming up, we have a divided opposition once again
-
- so talks begin between the LDP and the NAP
- talks progress very well, because they're brokered by an elder of western kenya
- an abaluhya man named Moody Awori
- a very senior western politician
- just been an MP before this
- and in 92 didn't even stand for parliament
- but widely respected; excellent diplomat
- mediates these talks
- sign an MOU - memorandum of understanding
- in which they join forces
-
- a united opposition
- rather than the NAP and LDP
- we now have the National Alliance Rainbow Coalition
- this is the first time in the multiparty system that the opposition has structured as one group
-
- and now, the question of leadership
- these negotiations took more than two weeks
- developing a detaied MOU
- but wasn't time to hold a national party convention
- Odinga was a bit distraught about this
- because he had pushed so hard to have a secret ballot nomination for the leadership canadidate
- and there's not enough time to have a leadership campaign to lead NARC, and then run an electoral campaign against KANU
-
- November 14, announces the formation of NARC
- and annoucnes Kibaki as the presidential candidate for NARC
-
- so we have NARC with Kibaki, and KANU with Kenyatta
-
- the campaign starts right away
- and immediately, NARC is on the offensive
- its leaders stand very unified
- and attack moi's regime for being repressive
- exceedingly corrupt
- ineffectual in terms of economic affairs
- infrastructure has collapsed
- a completely mismanaged administration
- and all laid at the feet of KANU
- because Odinga is associated with the campaign, brings out huge crowds supporting Kibaki
- Musyoka does the same
- and Ngilu, campaigning amongst kenyan women
- a huge political coalition
-
- Kenyatta is on the defensive right from the start
- this group talks about "time for real change"
- kenyatta is on the defensive
- and moi made a commitment that he'd campaign for kenyatta
- and tells kenyans they should vote for kenyatta
- kenyatta talks about a "fresh start"
- but in a difficult position - can't distance himself too far from moi
- since moi is campaigning for him!
- but he's criticized by the oppsotion for being too close to Moi
-
-
- kibaki is coming back from a plitical rally in eastern province
- coming to the t-junction at the nairobi-mombasa highway
- and he's riding in the front passenger seat beside the driver
- there's an accident there, a minivan has rear-ended a taxi
- and kibaki's SUV goes past the intersection and into the ditch
- breaks kibaki's leg and injures his head
- doctors attend to him at nairobi hospital
- but then he's flown to london for specialist medical care
- so as of december 2nd, kibaki is out of the campaign
-
- and so campaigning falls upon the other members of NARC
- and kibaki only comes back to the country on dec. 24th, and then in a wheelchair
- looks really weak
- a huge public rally to welcome him back
- but he doesnt look good
- and here's the presidential candidate, not looking good
- gives a bit of momentum back to KANU
-
- the results come in
- Kibaki gets 64% of the popular vote
- to Kenyatta's 28%
-
- the first time that KANU has not held the presidency, since 1968 (3?) - indepenence
-
- in the parliament
- 125 seats to go NARC
- and 64 seats to go KANU
- the rest amongst minor parties
-
- a strong parliamentary majority for NARC
- and a turnover of power
- but there's still a huge number of kenyans, who, though ecstatic at the result, aren't ready to dance quite yet
- will Moi the president accept the results?
- will he actually step down? or orchestrate a coup?
-
- so Kibaki and his forces are extremely concerned
- the official election results aren't in
- everyone knows who won on Saturday night
- but official results won't be out until wednesday
- before the new candidate can be sworn in
-
- so they have a swearing-in of Kibaki on the Monday afternoon
- and the ECK commissioner and chief justice agrees, Kibaki clearly has the lead
- so have a big swearing in at Uhuru park, thousands celebrate
-
- ministers, that sunday, wrote themselves minsiterial notes giving themselves enormous amounts of legal tender
- and took all the state-owned vehicles - Mercedes Benz's, SUVs, govt limousines
-
- Moi attended the swearing-in celebration
- students tried to throw buckets of mud at him
- and he was whisked away to his upcountry ranch by helicopter afterwards
-
-
-
- Thursday, April 08, 2010
-
- KEnya under kibaki, 2003-2010
-
- 1. mou and cabinet formation
- kibaki's group gets
- 13 of the 22 cabinet positions
- to odinga's
- 9 positions
- and of those, only 7 were on the list of 11 that odinga's party submitted!
- and all of the senior cabinet positions went to kibaki's group
- adding insult to injury
- only 34 of the seats in parliament went to kibaki's NAP
- to 59 seats for odinga's party
- other smaller parties making up the rest of the 125 in that coalition
-
- a few explanations
- one was that kibaki had a hand in this imbalance
- the other theory, was that he was still ill after his car accident
- the expectation going around was that kibaki was pretty much fine, just a broken leg
- but JS talked to a friend's wife, who was a nurse
- they were bringing kibaki to kenyatta hospital late each night
- the break in his leg was much more severe than expected
- and a number of blood clots
- great fear for his health
- and he was really living on the margins from jan. until the end of march
- not in very good health at all
- with kibaki being ill, a minor palace coup occured within his govt
- esp. within his side of the power bloc or coalition
- known afterwards as the "mt. kenya mafia"
- 6 of the 11 cabinet ministers put forward by kibaki
- all from his home area in central province
- either kikuyus or meru people, all close to kibaki and with him since way back
- this group assured that the kikuyu and meru people would control the govt
- back to the "house of moombi"
- and very little that odinga could do about this
- and as a result, most power was again withdrawn from cabinet and brought back into the office of the pres
- kibaki, meanwhile, too weak to do anything about this
-
- Corruption
- also, strong pressure on kibaki to end corruption in the govt
- corruption being a feature of the neopatrimonial system
- people needing to feed their supporters up and down the system
- but kibaki took a very strong line against corruptino during the campaign
- no "sacred cows" in his campaign
- and he'd go after the "big people" - bwana mkubwas - if he found any during his presidency
- to show his determination on this,
- after he entered the presidency but before he named his cabinet
- he named John Githongo to become an anti-corruption watchdog
- he had been the executive director of an int'l NGO called Transparency International - Kenya
- NGO with offices in DCs around the world, shining a light on govt corruption
- had established a very strong reputation for finding corruption during the Moi period
- established him as a permanent office in the OP - ethics commissioner
- "zero tolerance" on corruption
- gets a high rate of pay and a huge staff
- and is immediately let loose
- Githongo discovers 8 months in, that there's an "untowardness" happening
- the military in kenya was in the process of leasing sophisticated military hardware from western suppliers
- and they were doing this through the "anglo leasing corporation"
- a dummy corporation, set up in england, with a PO box and bank account
- and the kenyan govt was putting large sums of money into this corporation
- supposed to go to sophisticated helicopters
- but instead, they were getting used landrovers
- as githongo pieced this altogether, recognized this money was cycling from the anglo leasing corporation
- back into kenya
- to some businesspeople, and , of note, 3 kenyan senior ministers
- within the mt. kenya mafia!
- as well as the head of the public service, who recognized this was happening but didn't say anything
- kibaki says, continue with your investigation, but we don't have enough evidence to prosecute these yet!
- githongo was aghast, since he had exceptionally strong cases against these ministers
- so githongo met with Wako, attorney general, and Awori,the elder who negotiated the coalition
- so githonogo then met with Murungu, the minister of justice
- who said to go slow, or his father's business would suffer
- githongo, no fool, and he taped both conversations
- and presented them at the LSE in london
- and declared he wasn't returning to kenya
- and he posted all of these publicly on the internet
- starts a major crisis in kenya
- a corruption scandal which reaches right into the office of the president
- githongo, meanwhile, has remained in office for 2.5 years
- and a friend of githongo, wrote a book called "It's our turn to eat", the author is Michaela Wrong
- available in paperback, often at mcnally robinson
- classic overview of how githongo started a war against corruption, found a boatload of evidence, met with kibaki and had no success, and then went into exile
- one warning, don't buy it and go to kenya
- if you have a copy there, you'll be deported on the next plane back
- and if you're kenyan, you'll be charged with sedition and put in detention
-
- this corruption crisis deeply touched the kibaki govt
- suspended the 3 ministers
- but eventually put 2 of them back
- and the justice minsiter, on tape, was not only brought back into the govt 2 or 3 months after the crisis broke, but renamed as minister of justice
-
- next, constitutional reform
- kibaki and his govt, NARC, said they'd introduce a new constitution 3 months after taking power
- but this became a very complicated, drawn-out affair
- and this finally ended in march 2004
- with the production of what became known as the Bomas Draft
- a cultural centre on the endge of nairobi
- delegates from all over kenya were brought there - intellecturals, kenyans overseas, poilticans and members of parliament
- came to be known as the "people's draft" constitution
- presented at the final session of bomas for approval
- and those people on kibaki's side of the coalition were very against this people's draft
- since it
- 1. reduced the pwoers of the president
- 2. created a new post of PM that kibaki had reneged on
- representing the executive in parliament
- 3. and we'll decentralize govt to new regional governments
- this constitution strongly passed, even without kibaki's group's support
- the constitution would then be sent to parliament, after having been finalized at this bomas
- but MPs could only vote yes or no on the constitution - no amendments would be allowed
- the mt. kenya mafia group ws incensed, since it would reduce kibaki's power
- so intorduced the "consensus bill"
- and odinga's group boycotts the bill in protest
- and it sails through parliament
- allowing parliament to amend the people's draft made at bomas
- amendments introduced in march 2005, which watered down the reductions in the president's power
- also eliminates the post of PM
- and doesn't include the decentralization
- this highly reduced constitution is sent to Wako, the attorney general
- which writes it up in legalese
- and then it went to a national referendum
-
- in setp and october, leading up to the referendum, political movement grows against it
- odinga leads this charge
- campaigning on the no side with his 6 ministers
- kibaki's group
- campaigns for the "yes" side
- a campaign across every district of kenya
- and to allow illiterate kenyans a chance
- the electoral commissioner, samuel kibuku
- and picks two symbols
- no side is oranges
- and yes side is bananas
- odinga is pretty enraged
- never got equality in cabinet
- didn't get the PM position
- or the constitution they hoped for
- so campaigns strongly against
- meanwhile, the "yes" side
- uses all the state resources they have to promote the yes side
- state vehicles, funds, printing services
- giant rallies
- having huge tables of bananas
- and banana hats and everything
- hires a rock band
- "no" side
-
- just in the last week of the campaign, polls suggested the no side was ahead
- so cabinet ministers decided they'd have to get kibaki into the campaign
- for the last week or 10 days
- became more than just a matter of the constitution
- because for odinga, it was a massive no-confidence vote in kibaki's govt
-
- in the end, the no side wins
- 58% says no
- and 42% says yes
-
- this is a huge defeat for kibaki
- just like the corruption problem
- the prestige of the presidency was on the line
- and kenyans have voted massively against this constitutional draft
- there's tremendous pressure from the mt. kenya mafia
- to dump odinga and his other ministers
- act decisively, and blame the whole thing on odinga
- on the other hand, there's a problem
- as the campaign has gone on, and the rhetoric has heated up
- more and more MPs are struck - that the kibaki forces will do anything, pay anyone, and leverage on anyone
- so MPs from the 59 LDP members
- and the 64 from KANU
- all disgruntled with the govt over this farce
- and over the constitution
-
- odinga indicates that, as soon as parliament resumes on the tuesday
- he'll initiate a vote of no-confidence in the govt
- on the basis of this decisive defeat
- but the mafia members, telling kibaki to end this
- kibaki decides, mostly on the suggestions of business leaders, to dismiss the entire cabinet
- and prorogue parliament
- suspends it for a period of time
- until the end of march 2006
- the govt is really in crisis
- lost on corruption
- and had a huge defeat on the constitution
- and odinga has managed, here, to bring a whole group of MPs in parliament ont he oppotition benches, onto his side
- and as part of this process, now has the opportunity to build on that constitutional momentum against the govt
- so creates the Orange Democratic Movement
- so in the 2007 elections, with kibaki's forces in disarray, and odinga's forces stronger than ever
-
- the orange movment puts forward odinga as its candidate for president in 2007
-
- what is kibaki's group going to do?
- bitterly infighting
- disgraced on corruption and the constitutional failure
- polls suggest, contiunously through the summer of 2007, that the ODM is way ahead in national polls
- Odinga at 54% in early sept. 2007
- but kibaki's group cobbled together a coalition of various parties called the PNU
- party of national union
- brought together his National Alliance people
- some opposition elements
- and KANU
- kenyatta is the chair of KANU
- so towards the end of the summer of 2007, pressure on kenyata - will he stand for the presidency or not?
- and eventually kenyatta decides to stand aside
- defers to Kibaki as the leader of the PNU
- so he doesn't divide the kikuyu vote
- and will defer his presidential ambitions until 2012
-
- the campaign goes forward, managed by the ECK chaired by Kivutu
- who orchestrated the 2002 elections, which were run fairly well
- but in october of 2007, the terms of office of the electoral commissioners come to an end
- under the informal agreement from back in 1997, each side would appoint 10 commissioners, and one neutral chair
- but this time around, in october,
- kibaki decides that he'll appoint all 20
- and they're all his people
- so we have kivutu still as chair, but with 20 members of a commission who have no experience running an election
- and all on the side of the govt
-
- the ODM is extermeely strong in the campaign
- hammer kibaki on all these issues
- and the campaign, as the polls track through to sept, odinga is ahead
-
- what happens?
- JS talked to people close to kivutu when he was there in november
- the voting is on friday, polls open at 6 in the morning
- very smooth voting process
- no signs of intimidation by either side
- partly because cellphone technology to allow kenyans to communicate quickly with each other
- cellphones very cheap
- and coverage everywhere
- so each party had election monitors at the polls
- and a toll-free # that any kenyan could call if they were harassed at the polls
- the cell-phone thing changed everything
-
- firday's vote went well
- now, into the counting process
- the counting process changed at the 2002 election
- rather than trucking ballot boxes to a central post at each of the regions
- each ballot box would be counted at each poll
- then the results would be called in to the returning officer
- and he'd have to fill in "form 16a"
- putting theresults for each party on the form
- and faxing the results to the KICE
- set up in a huge nairobi convention centre
- some polls came in friday night, most on saturday
-
- and it's clear that the ODM and odinga are ahead with a substnatial lead
- 800 000 vote lead, by 8pm saturday evening
- substantial lead, when there's only 8.8 mil votes cast
-
- this is known at state house nairobi, at 8pm on saturday evening, kibaki is beginning to suggest to his close associates, that maybe he should make a concession speech
- but his associates tell him, just wait - there are more votes to come in
- the form 16as were held back for most results in central province
- and from central province, 1.2 million votes went to kibaki
- as a result of form 16a's being altered in transmission
- once electoral officers in central province knew that the difference was 800 000, they were given strict orders to make sure kibaki won
- and so altered the forms
-
- when these forms arrived in nairobi, from constitutencies that were held back
- election scrutineers knew that there were obviously problems with these suddenly arriving forms
- whited-out figures
- photocopied forms
- kivutu orders the room to be cleared
- and the votes are counted
- kibaki ends up with a 400 000 vote lead
- so kivutu on the sunday, rushed to state house nairobi with the chief justice, and they swore in kibaki
- even though there was still a lot of controversy about these 1.2mil late votes
- coming from 16 constitutencies, even though there aren't 1.2 million people in those constituencies?
-
- questions landing on kivutu
- why did you clear the convention centre?
- why did you do this so quickly?
- swear kibaki in?
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- 10 days later, kivutu went on nat'l television
- and collapsed in tears
- he was under tremendous pressure "from above"
- and confesses he still doesn't know who actually won the election
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- odinga is incensed
- calls his people into the streets to protest
- sparks tremendous ethnic violence
- 1,135 people killed (official results)
- and 650 000 people internally displaced
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- luos and kilengins, incensed that the election was stolen, attack kikuyus
- and then the reverse occurs a month later
- militias on militias
- and the country collapses
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- JS went to do research there in november; interviewed people affected; vicious violence
- hands and limbs chopped off
- rape of young women and girls
- etc.
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- the rail link between uganda and kenya was torn up
- and the road between mombasa and nairobi was barricaded
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- kofi annan was sent to kenya by western govts to broker a settlement
- formed a grand coalition
- odinga agrees to form this with kibaki until 2012
- a sharing of power
- odinga as Prime minister
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- as soon as this grand coalition is formed, we know kibaki can't run again as president
- people are maneuvering to position themselves for the presidency in 2012
- odinga is well in the lead
- but kenyatta will be a strong contender
- over the "magical age" of 55
- and has a lot going for him now
- can say to the kikuyu and meru people
- he stepped aside to allow kibaki to run unopposed in 2007
- and kibaki favours kenyatta
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- and odinga's deputy PM right now is Mudavadi
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- where's Musyoka now?
- he's vice-president of the country
- threw his weight behind kibaki in the 2007 election campaign
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- so the 4 in contention right now to become kenyan prez in 2012
- odinga
- kenyatta
- mudavadi
- and musyoko
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- popular expectations suggest odinga
- but given the state influence on elections in DCs, it's never certain
- JS talked to odinga's people; they're very confident
- but they were very confident in 2007
- and got crushed (partly by vote tampering)
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- but kenyatta has a chance as well
- problem, drinks heavily
- as more pressure comes on him over time, will he crack?
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- if you ever get to nairobi, go to the Kati Kati Club
- to interview people, you need to have clearance from the ethics committee
- but not here; just stumble in
- just past uhuru park is this club
- and kenyatta and his associates go there at 4 in the afternoon
- ordering hors d'oeverse and ...ginger ale, now
- if you go to nairobi, stop there
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- mudavadi has a good chance
- but considered a chameleon
- as soon as pressure was put on him, jumped ship and went back
- musyoka, suffering a touch because evangelical movements are now being challenged by the church
- too many evangelical preachers captured television time, saturated kenya with these evangelical movements
- and people in kenya are now wary of these evangelical churches
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- kenya is now gradually being rebuilt after collapse
- but still on shaky ground
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The Final Exam
- in 3 sections
- 1. identification section
- asks you to define and/or identify, and explain the meaning and/or significance
- of 4 of the following 7
- these 7 items could be
- a person (individual)
- a party
- an institution
- an election
- a political concept we've utilized over the term
- eg., political wilderness
- worth 1/3 of the final exam mark
- you have to write more than just 3 or 4 lines
- should write about half to 3/4 of a page, single spaced, for each of the 4
- because you have to explain not just what, but it's meaning or significance for DC poiltics
- 2. an essay-style answer
- asked to choose, 1 of 3 questions
- essay answer
- not point form
- each of these 3 questions has a country focus
- not comparing countries, but a country focus
- we've focused on the 3 east-african countries
- and there are 3 questions
- if you're picking up what he's putting down
- so you can specialize in your studying
- also worth 1/3rd of exam
- 3. another essay
- 1 of 3
- broader questions
- on an interpretation of politics
- or broader political concerns
- conceptual and theoretical
- can't tell you what concepts and theories, or perspectives to adopt
- but all covered intensively in the lectures
- and on each of these questions, each of these last 6 options
- will ask you for your opinion as well
- "in your view" - triggers for writing the introduction to your answer, establishing a central argument
- "what is your view"? easily becomes the central argument of your answer
- and, you cannot do everything in an answer
- even JS couldn't cover everything in an answer
- pick out the 3 or 4 or 5 major elements you htink are important, and build those into your answer
-
- suspect everyone will get a high B or A, because of how people have done on the essay
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- ( the steeves amendment, if the door's locked , here's what you do )
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- POLS 246 01
- April 17 2:00 p.m.
- Jeffrey Steeves
- PAC 246
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- nothing direct on
- economic devp strategies
- traditional socieite
- conlonialism
- or the nationalist period
-
- except as background to the material from the midterm forward
- and as concepts or processes
- but only really on 1 of these maybe
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- in your studying, if you come across a problem and you need more clarification
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